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Studies in generative grammar最新文献

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Fragmental Appendix in Korean Right Dislocation Construction 韩国语右眼位错构象中的断片性阑尾
Pub Date : 2017-08-01 DOI: 10.15860/SIGG.27.3.201708.485
Sookhee Lee
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引用次数: 0
State Readings and Boundedness in the Korean Progressive 《韩国进步》的国家阅读与边界性
Pub Date : 2017-08-01 DOI: 10.15860/SIGG.27.3.201708.649
Sungki Suh
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引用次数: 3
On Polarity Licensing in the -ul swu iss Construction 论电力系统建设中的极性许可问题
Pub Date : 2017-08-01 DOI: 10.15860/sigg.27.3.201708.457
Daeho Chung
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引用次数: 0
On the Locus of the EPP 论EPP的轨迹
Pub Date : 2017-08-01 DOI: 10.15860/SIGG.27.3.201708.697
Kwang-Sup Kim
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引用次数: 0
On the Long-distance Scrambling/Phonological Suppression of Adjuncts in Korean 论韩国语中辅音的远距离置乱/语音抑制
Pub Date : 2017-08-01 DOI: 10.15860/SIGG.27.3.201708.675
Myungkwan Park, 신의종
Unlike arguments, adjuncts are disallowed from undergoing longdistance scrambling in Korean or topicalization in English. This is because adjuncts do not enter into labeling when initially (pair-)merged into syntactic structure (cf. Chomsky, 2013). They do not bear any relevant formal feature either, hence failing to enter into an Agree relation with the higher Probe and undergo scrambling or topicalization. Put simply, adjuncts do not leave any record behind in a syntactic derivation involving external or internal merge, thus being unable to be moved back to the position from where it has moved (cf. Oseki, 2014). In Korean (and Japanese) where agreement is absent (cf. Kuroda, 1988), however, adjuncts can adjoin to argumental elements like object NPs without disrupting an Agree relation between the latter and their Probe (cf. Chomsky, 1986).
与争论不同,韩国语中不允许进行远距离争夺,英语中也不允许进行话题化。这是因为当最初(pair-)合并到句法结构中时,修饰词不进入标签(cf. Chomsky, 2013)。它们也不具有任何相关的形式特征,因此无法与更高的探针建立一致关系,并经历混乱或主题化。简而言之,在涉及外部或内部合并的句法派生中,辅词不会留下任何记录,因此无法移动回其移动的位置(参见Oseki, 2014)。然而,在不存在一致性的朝鲜语(和日语)中(参见Kuroda, 1988),修饰语可以与论证要素(如对象np)相连,而不会破坏后者与其探测之间的一致关系(参见乔姆斯基,1986)。
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引用次数: 1
On the Sluicing with Covert Correlates 论隐关联的分流
Pub Date : 2017-08-01 DOI: 10.15860/SIGG.27.3.201708.631
Sun-woong Kim
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引用次数: 0
English Overt and Null Complementizers 英语显性补语和虚补语
Pub Date : 2017-08-01 DOI: 10.15860/SIGG.27.3.201708.515
J. Shim, Tabea Ihsane
Most studies on the distribution of the null complementizers in English assume that overt that clauses and null that clauses have the identical underlying structure, where the overt/null COMP represents a C head (Stowell 1981, a.o.). This predicts that both overt and null that clauses show (nearly) the same syntactic distribution, contrary to fact. This paper explores a new outlook of overt and null complementizers in clausal complements of both non-factive and factive predicates in English, building on the assumptions that (i) feature specification on C differs from language to language and (ii ) languages also differ as to lexicalizing a subset of these features on C. Adopting Rizzi’s (1997) split CP structure with two C heads, Force and Finiteness, we suggest that null that clauses are FinPs, whereas overt that clauses have an extra functional layer above FinP, lexicalizing either the Force head under non-factive predicates or the light demonstrative head d under factive predicates. These three different underlying structures also successfully account for different syntactic patterns found between overt and null that [...] SHIM, Ji Young, IHSANE, Tabea. English Overt and Null Complementizers. Studies in generative grammar, 2017, vol. 27, no. 3, p. 515-533 DOI : 10.15860/sigg.27.3.201708.515
大多数关于英语中空补语分布的研究都假设显性that从句和空that从句具有相同的底层结构,其中显性/空补语从句代表一个C头(Stowell 1981, a.o.)。这预示着显性和无效子句显示(几乎)相同的句法分布,与事实相反。本文在以下假设的基础上,探讨了英语中非作物谓语和作物谓语的小句补语中显性补语和无效补语的新观点:(i) C语言的特征规范因语言而异,(ii) C语言对这些特征子集的词汇化也不同。采用Rizzi(1997)的两个C头的分割CP结构,Force和fineness,我们建议null that从句是finp。而明显的是,子句在FinP之上有一个额外的功能层,词法化了非事实谓语下的强制词头或事实谓语下的轻指示词头d。这三种不同的底层结构也成功地解释了在显性和null之间发现的不同语法模式[…][沈志英IHSANE Tabea。英语显性补语和虚补语。《生成语法研究》,2017年第27卷第1期。DOI: 10.15860/sigg.27.3.201708.515
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引用次数: 0
A Non-Uniform Analysis of English Get-Passives 英语get -被动语态的不统一分析
Pub Date : 2017-05-01 DOI: 10.15860/sigg.27.2.201705.283
Ju Eun Lee
This paper is concerned with the get-passive construction of English. I examine conflicting data regarding the presence or absence of an implicit...
本文研究的是英语的被动语态结构。我检查了关于隐含的……是否存在的相互矛盾的数据。
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引用次数: 0
Disguised Multiple Remnants in the Right Dislocation Construction and Fragments 右错位结构和碎片中伪装的多重残余物
Pub Date : 2017-05-01 DOI: 10.15860/SIGG.27.2.201705.431
Bum-Sik Park
Under the ellipsis approach, the gapless Right Dislocation Construction (RDC) involves leftward movement of the appendix (RDed element), followed by...
在省略入路下,无间隙的右位错构造(RDC)涉及阑尾(RDed单元)的向左移动,随后是…
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引用次数: 0
Argument PP, Agree and Incorporation 论点PP,同意和合并
Pub Date : 2017-05-01 DOI: 10.15860/sigg.27.2.201705.309
Kim Kyumin
The Morphological Visibility Condition (MVC) (Baker 1996) requires incorporation to co-occur with agreement in order to render a phrase visible for...
形态学可见性条件(MVC) (Baker 1996)要求合并与一致性同时发生,以便使短语在…
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引用次数: 1
期刊
Studies in generative grammar
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