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The Clamor of Lawyers最新文献

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Chapter 1. “The Worst Instrument of Arbitrary Power” 第1章。“最糟糕的专断权力工具”
Pub Date : 2018-12-31 DOI: 10.7591/9781501726088-003
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引用次数: 0
A Note on Sources 资料来源说明
Pub Date : 2018-12-31 DOI: 10.1515/9781501726088-010
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引用次数: 0
Frontmatter
Pub Date : 2018-12-31 DOI: 10.1515/9781501726088-fm
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引用次数: 0
Frontmatter
Pub Date : 2018-12-31 DOI: 10.7591/9781501726088-fm
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引用次数: 0
Chapter 3. “My Dear Countrymen Rouse Yourselves” 第三章。“亲爱的同胞们,振作起来吧!”
Pub Date : 2018-12-31 DOI: 10.7591/9781501726088-005
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引用次数: 0
Index 指数
Pub Date : 2018-12-31 DOI: 10.7591/9781501726088-011
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引用次数: 0
Chapter 4. “A Right Which Nature Has Given to All Men” 第四章。“大自然赋予所有人的权利”
Pub Date : 2018-10-15 DOI: 10.7591/CORNELL/9781501726071.003.0005
P. Hoffer, W. Hoffer
Between 1773 and 1775, lawyers who favored resistance shifted from arguments that looked like common law pleading to hybrids, part legal, part political. Content followed form, as they cast off from the familiar shores of English liberty to chart a course through what modern jurists have called rights talk. In the process, the revolutionary lawyers did not abandon the common law entirely but used legal modes of reasoning to transform the common law from a body of precedent to an abstract ideal of what good law should be, a kind of meta-law. One should be careful in dealing with terms here. “Rights talk” is now a staple of liberal jurisprudence associated with Civil Rights advocacy, while conservative jurisprudence is primarily concerned with private property rights. The revolutionary lawyers did not divide these topics—they saw personal liberty and the sanctity of private property as part of the same cause.
在1773年到1775年之间,支持抵抗运动的律师们从看起来像普通法辩护的辩论转向了混合辩论,部分法律,部分政治。内容随形式而行,他们从熟悉的英国自由海岸出发,通过现代法学家所说的“权利对话”,开辟了一条道路。在这个过程中,革命的法学家并没有完全抛弃普通法,而是运用法律推理模式将普通法从一个判例体转变为一种关于什么是好法的抽象理想,一种元法。在处理这里的术语时要小心。“权利谈话”现在是自由主义法理学的主要内容,与民权倡导有关,而保守主义法理学主要关注私有财产权。革命的律师们并没有把这些话题分开——他们认为个人自由和私有财产的神圣性是同一事业的一部分。
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引用次数: 0
Conclusion 结论
Pub Date : 2018-10-15 DOI: 10.7591/cornell/9781501726071.003.0007
P. Hoffer, W. Hoffer
Almost evenly divided in numbers and talent at the start of the crisis, in 1782 the revolutionary bar and the loyal bar faced vastly different futures. The revolutionary lawyers had stepped into the role of constitution drafters and lawgivers. Their lives, fortunes, and honor were enhanced by their part in the Revolution. Having a “vested interest in making sure the new nation succeeded” they fashioned an American republican law, a concept of public engagement, adorned with categories of fundamental liberties and rights that had great capacity for expansion. Though originally confined to a narrow band of the citizenry, time, sacrifice, and a growing sense of inclusiveness would, eventually, expand a male, white, entrenched, and propertied governing class to include women, people of color, working people, and newcomers. A second achievement was a little more self-serving. The revolutionary lawyers’ participation in the new confederated and state governments set a pattern, a precedent if you will, of a public role for lawyers outside of the courts. When a new generation of lawyers passed the bar and began practicing,...
1782年危机开始时,革命律师和忠诚律师的人数和人才几乎各占一半,但他们面临着截然不同的未来。革命的法学家开始扮演起宪法起草者和立法者的角色。他们的生命、财富和荣誉都因参加革命而得到提高。出于“确保新国家成功的既得利益”,他们制定了一部美国共和法律,这是一种公众参与的概念,点缀着具有极大扩展能力的基本自由和权利类别。虽然最初仅限于一小部分公民,但时间、牺牲和日益增强的包容性最终将扩大男性、白人、根深蒂固的有产统治阶级,包括女性、有色人种、劳动人民和新来者。第二项成就则有点自私自利。革命律师参与到新的联邦政府和州政府中,为律师在法庭之外的公共角色树立了一种模式,也可以说是一个先例。当新一代律师通过律师资格考试并开始执业时,……
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引用次数: 0
Chapter 5. “That These Colonies Are . . . Free and Independent States” 第五章。“这些殖民地是……自由和独立的国家”
Pub Date : 2018-10-15 DOI: 10.7591/cornell/9781501726071.003.0006
P. Hoffer, W. Hoffer
Even if the Declaration were a legal document announcing the independence of the United States, according to revolutionary constitutional theory no independent state could exist without fundamental law, in this case a constitution of some sort that was ratified by the people. The Revolutionaries agreed that constitutions must precede and empower governments, or the fundamental rule of consent of the governed could not be followed. Congress did not have such a foundation. The last paragraph of the Declaration thus served as a miniature prototype constitution until such time as a more substantial document could be prepared and ratified. The powers that the Declaration gave to the United States, to wage and conclude wars, regulate commerce, and all the other powers that independent states “may of right do” were the very definition of sovereignty. As it happened, they were the most valid factual claims the Declaration made, for Congress were already doing all of them.
即使《独立宣言》是一份宣布美国独立的法律文件,根据革命宪法理论,没有根本的法律,任何独立的国家都不可能存在,在这种情况下,是一部由人民批准的宪法。革命者一致认为,宪法必须先于政府,并赋予政府权力,否则就不能遵循被统治者同意的基本规则。国会没有这样的基础。因此,《宣言》的最后一段是一部微型的宪法原型,直到可以编写和批准一份更实质性的文件为止。《独立宣言》赋予美国发动和结束战争、管理商业以及独立国家“有权行使”的所有其他权力的权力,正是主权的定义。碰巧,这些都是《宣言》提出的最有效的事实要求,因为国会已经在做这些要求了。
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引用次数: 0
“My Dear Countrymen Rouse Yourselves” “亲爱的同胞们,振作起来吧!”
Pub Date : 2018-10-15 DOI: 10.7591/cornell/9781501726071.003.0004
P. Hoffer, W. Hoffer
By 1774, events were pushing the lawyers to take sides whose lines of division could not be crossed. Nor could even the best connected of lawyers straddle these lines. One had to choose. Still, the lines that defined revolutionary and loyalist lawyering were only drawn in shifting sands. Had Parliament conceded some measure of colonial autonomy and had the revolutionary leadership been more patient with English policies, the crisis could have been averted or at least held at bay. But both sides seemed unwilling to acknowledge what continued intransigence would bring.
到1774年,事态的发展迫使律师们站在不可逾越的一方。即使是人脉最广的律师也无法跨越这些界限。一个人必须做出选择。然而,界定革命和忠诚律师的界线只是在流沙中划定的。如果议会在一定程度上承认殖民地的自治权,如果革命领导人对英国的政策更有耐心,这场危机就可以避免,或者至少可以控制住。但双方似乎都不愿意承认继续不妥协将带来什么。
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引用次数: 0
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The Clamor of Lawyers
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