{"title":"Native American Mystery Writing: Indigenous Investigations by Mary Stoecklein (review)","authors":"Tom Peotto","doi":"10.1353/AIQ.2021.0011","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/AIQ.2021.0011","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":22216,"journal":{"name":"The American Indian Quarterly","volume":"65 1","pages":"196 - 198"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-04-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84349753","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Life of the Indigenous Mind: Vine Deloria Jr. and the Birth of the Red Power Movement by David Martinez (review)","authors":"J. Cable","doi":"10.1353/AIQ.2021.0014","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/AIQ.2021.0014","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":22216,"journal":{"name":"The American Indian Quarterly","volume":"52 1","pages":"204 - 207"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-04-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76105652","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Sovereign Entrepreneurs: Cherokee Small-Business Owners and the Making of Economic Sovereignty by Courtney Lewis (review)","authors":"Samuel W. Rose","doi":"10.1353/AIQ.2021.0013","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/AIQ.2021.0013","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":22216,"journal":{"name":"The American Indian Quarterly","volume":"9 1","pages":"201 - 204"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-04-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72972935","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:In 1968 a large-scale recreational vacation property development, Legend Lake, was carved out of the recently terminated Menominee reservation to create a tax base for Wisconsin’s newly formed Menominee County. Menominee peoples’ resistance to the Legend Lake project and land sales expressed multiple concerns about settler colonialism and the process of terraforming and ecological change, land dispossession, cultural erasure, and implications for the future. The Menominee people came together to respond to this twentieth-century manifestation of the ecological dynamics of settler colonialism by asserting their tribal identity, culture, and relationships to their land. In this paper, we argue that the ecological changes created by the Legend Lake project was one of the major catalysts for Menominee resistance to settler colonialism that ultimately led to the restoration of the Menominee tribe.
{"title":"Improving on Nature: The Legend Lake Development, Menominee Resistance, and the Ecological Dynamics of Settler Colonialism","authors":"M. Dockry, K. Whyte","doi":"10.1353/aiq.2021.0008","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/aiq.2021.0008","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:In 1968 a large-scale recreational vacation property development, Legend Lake, was carved out of the recently terminated Menominee reservation to create a tax base for Wisconsin’s newly formed Menominee County. Menominee peoples’ resistance to the Legend Lake project and land sales expressed multiple concerns about settler colonialism and the process of terraforming and ecological change, land dispossession, cultural erasure, and implications for the future. The Menominee people came together to respond to this twentieth-century manifestation of the ecological dynamics of settler colonialism by asserting their tribal identity, culture, and relationships to their land. In this paper, we argue that the ecological changes created by the Legend Lake project was one of the major catalysts for Menominee resistance to settler colonialism that ultimately led to the restoration of the Menominee tribe.","PeriodicalId":22216,"journal":{"name":"The American Indian Quarterly","volume":"17 1","pages":"120 - 95"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-04-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81839055","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:An interesting yet often overlooked facet of Richard M. Nixon’s consequential presidency was his administration’s ambitious efforts to improve the responsiveness and efficiency of federal grants in aid programs. In order to encourage federal agencies to cooperate with each other, to coordinate their efforts, and to make them more accessible to the people, Nixon created ten Federal Regional Councils (FRCs) and directed major grant making agencies to establish field offices in each of them. In keeping with the administration’s emphasis on decentralization (or New Federalism), the FRCs sought to reverse the concentration of power in Washington, DC, by moving decision making closer to the point of delivery of services and to empower state and local governments to administer federally assisted programs. In theory at least, state and local governments would embrace a more prominent role in identifying and prioritizing their needs and in managing the expenditure of federal funds. They would likewise support the streamlined and simplified application procedures that regionalization promised. At first glance, Native Americans appeared to be potential beneficiaries of these reforms since regionalization promised tribal governments improved access to federal assistance and because it appeared to be consistent with their aspirations for tribal self-determination. That said, most tribal governments as well as national Indian reform organizations such as the National Congress of American Indians and the National Tribal Chairmen’s Association opposed regionalization and worked strenuously to alter its application to tribes. This study seeks to explain Indian opposition to regionalization along with subsequent efforts to modify regionalization to reflect tribal aspirations. In the end, they were largely successful in resisting, ignoring, and/or adapting to the demands of regionalization until the entire effort was abandoned.
摘要:在理查德·m·尼克松(Richard M. Nixon)的重要总统任期中，一个有趣但经常被忽视的方面是，尼克松雄心勃勃地努力提高援助项目中联邦拨款的响应能力和效率。为了鼓励联邦机构相互合作，协调他们的努力，并使他们更容易为人民所接受，尼克松成立了十个联邦地区委员会(frc)，并指示主要拨款机构在每个地方设立实地办事处。为了与政府对权力下放(或新联邦制)的强调保持一致，联邦财务汇报委员会试图扭转华盛顿特区的权力集中，方法是将决策权移到更接近服务提供点的地方，并授权州和地方政府管理联邦援助的项目。至少在理论上，州和地方政府将在确定和优先考虑其需求以及管理联邦基金支出方面发挥更重要的作用。它们还将支持区域化所承诺的精简和简化的申请程序。乍一看，印第安人似乎是这些改革的潜在受益者，因为区域化承诺部落政府可以更好地获得联邦援助，而且这似乎符合他们对部落自决的愿望。也就是说，大多数部落政府以及诸如美国印第安人全国代表大会和全国部落主席协会等全国印第安人改革组织都反对区域化，并努力改变其对部落的适用。本研究试图解释印第安人对区域化的反对，以及随后修改区域化以反映部落愿望的努力。最后，他们基本上成功地抵制、忽视和(或)适应了区域化的要求，直到整个努力被放弃。
{"title":"Termination by Decentralization? Native American Responses to Federal Regional Councils, 1969–1983","authors":"Thomas A. Britten","doi":"10.1353/aiq.2021.0009","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/aiq.2021.0009","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:An interesting yet often overlooked facet of Richard M. Nixon’s consequential presidency was his administration’s ambitious efforts to improve the responsiveness and efficiency of federal grants in aid programs. In order to encourage federal agencies to cooperate with each other, to coordinate their efforts, and to make them more accessible to the people, Nixon created ten Federal Regional Councils (FRCs) and directed major grant making agencies to establish field offices in each of them. In keeping with the administration’s emphasis on decentralization (or New Federalism), the FRCs sought to reverse the concentration of power in Washington, DC, by moving decision making closer to the point of delivery of services and to empower state and local governments to administer federally assisted programs. In theory at least, state and local governments would embrace a more prominent role in identifying and prioritizing their needs and in managing the expenditure of federal funds. They would likewise support the streamlined and simplified application procedures that regionalization promised. At first glance, Native Americans appeared to be potential beneficiaries of these reforms since regionalization promised tribal governments improved access to federal assistance and because it appeared to be consistent with their aspirations for tribal self-determination. That said, most tribal governments as well as national Indian reform organizations such as the National Congress of American Indians and the National Tribal Chairmen’s Association opposed regionalization and worked strenuously to alter its application to tribes. This study seeks to explain Indian opposition to regionalization along with subsequent efforts to modify regionalization to reflect tribal aspirations. In the end, they were largely successful in resisting, ignoring, and/or adapting to the demands of regionalization until the entire effort was abandoned.","PeriodicalId":22216,"journal":{"name":"The American Indian Quarterly","volume":"8 1","pages":"121 - 151"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-04-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81887138","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Standing with Standing Rock: Voices from the #NODAPL Movement ed. by Nick Estes and Jaskiran Dhillon (review)","authors":"Nicholas A. Timmerman","doi":"10.1353/AIQ.2021.0012","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/AIQ.2021.0012","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":22216,"journal":{"name":"The American Indian Quarterly","volume":"17 1","pages":"199 - 201"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-04-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81311090","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:This article analyzes an art installation performed and exhibited in 2018 by the Séliš u Ksanka/Salish and Kootenai artist Corwin Clairmont: Two-Headed Arrow/The Tar Sands Project. Clairmont is a printmaker and creator of inventive and playful installations that follow conceptualist principles, which designate ideas and action as inherently aesthetic, but he is also and primarily a traditionally oriented Séliš u Ksanka artist. Concerned with petromodernity in the North American Rocky Mountain West and Great Plains, Clairmont’s installation charts the material and ideological routes of the oil flow between the Flathead Indian Reservation (and Missoula, Montana) and the Fort McMurray tar sands site located adjacent to Abathasca Chipewyan and Mikisew Cree First Nations land in Alberta. The history of energy extraction in Indian Country is largely occluded in the newly emergent interdisciplinary field of “energy humanities” and similarly rendered opaque in most official and unofficial discourses of the “West.” Clairmont’s installation responds to this social silence around indigeneity and petroleum production in this “sacrifice zone” via a collage of artworks that includes, among other things, gummy bears (a key oil commodity), lava lamps, prints, and photographs. The installation creates new historical and affective insights in the unsettling juxtapositions of its materials. Plastic functions in place of hides in Clairmont’s new “winter counts” and the focus on gummy bears allows for the unveiling of the longstanding kinship between the animals and Indigenous people. The installation participates in a powerful and historically long-standing tradition of Indigenous resistance, by challenging state forms of extractive settler colonialism.
摘要:本文分析了萨里什和库特奈艺术家考文·克莱尔蒙特(Corwin Clairmont)于2018年表演并展出的装置作品《双头箭/焦油砂项目》。Clairmont是一名版画家和创作者，他遵循概念主义原则，将想法和行动指定为固有的美学，但他也是一名传统导向的ssamliusu Ksanka艺术家。Clairmont关注北美落基山脉西部和大平原的石油现代性，他的装置描绘了Flathead印第安保留区(以及蒙大拿州的米苏拉)和Fort McMurray沥青砂遗址之间的石油流动的物质和思想路线，该遗址位于阿尔伯塔省Abathasca Chipewyan和Mikisew Cree First Nations土地附近。印度能源开采的历史在很大程度上被封闭在新兴的跨学科领域“能源人文”中，同样在“西方”的大多数官方和非官方话语中也变得不透明。Clairmont的装置作品通过拼贴艺术作品回应了这个“献祭区”围绕土著和石油生产的社会沉默，其中包括小熊软糖(一种重要的石油商品)、熔岩灯、版画和照片。该装置在令人不安的材料并置中创造了新的历史和情感见解。在克莱尔蒙特的新“冬季计数”中，塑料功能代替了兽皮，而对小熊软糖的关注则揭示了这种动物与土著人民之间长期存在的亲缘关系。该装置通过挑战国家形式的掠夺性定居者殖民主义，参与了强大且历史悠久的土著抵抗传统。
{"title":"Art, Indigenous Sovereignty, and Resistance in the Age of Big Oil: Corwin Clairmont’s Two-Headed Arrow/The Tar Sands Project","authors":"Kate A. Kane","doi":"10.1353/AIQ.2021.0010","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/AIQ.2021.0010","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:This article analyzes an art installation performed and exhibited in 2018 by the Séliš u Ksanka/Salish and Kootenai artist Corwin Clairmont: Two-Headed Arrow/The Tar Sands Project. Clairmont is a printmaker and creator of inventive and playful installations that follow conceptualist principles, which designate ideas and action as inherently aesthetic, but he is also and primarily a traditionally oriented Séliš u Ksanka artist. Concerned with petromodernity in the North American Rocky Mountain West and Great Plains, Clairmont’s installation charts the material and ideological routes of the oil flow between the Flathead Indian Reservation (and Missoula, Montana) and the Fort McMurray tar sands site located adjacent to Abathasca Chipewyan and Mikisew Cree First Nations land in Alberta. The history of energy extraction in Indian Country is largely occluded in the newly emergent interdisciplinary field of “energy humanities” and similarly rendered opaque in most official and unofficial discourses of the “West.” Clairmont’s installation responds to this social silence around indigeneity and petroleum production in this “sacrifice zone” via a collage of artworks that includes, among other things, gummy bears (a key oil commodity), lava lamps, prints, and photographs. The installation creates new historical and affective insights in the unsettling juxtapositions of its materials. Plastic functions in place of hides in Clairmont’s new “winter counts” and the focus on gummy bears allows for the unveiling of the longstanding kinship between the animals and Indigenous people. The installation participates in a powerful and historically long-standing tradition of Indigenous resistance, by challenging state forms of extractive settler colonialism.","PeriodicalId":22216,"journal":{"name":"The American Indian Quarterly","volume":"16 1","pages":"152 - 195"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-04-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75196101","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-12-16DOI: 10.5250/amerindiquar.45.1.0056
D. Fisher
Abstract:This article argues that modern Native political organizing in Eastern Canada began shortly after the Great War. The Algonquin at Kitigan Zibi coconstructed and participated in transborder political networks designed to bring attention to their cause and claims. They employed their treaties and wampum belts including the Royal Proclamation of 1763 to argue for the recognition of their treaty rights and traditional lands. By 1931, the Department of Indian Affairs was successful in temporarily shutting down Algonquin political organizing. However, throughout the remainder of the twentieth century, the Algonquin continued their transborder political associations and continued to press for recognition of their treaty rights and traditional lands.
{"title":"War, Wampum, and Recognition: Algonquin Transborder Political Activism during the Early Twentieth Century, 1919–1931","authors":"D. Fisher","doi":"10.5250/amerindiquar.45.1.0056","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5250/amerindiquar.45.1.0056","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:This article argues that modern Native political organizing in Eastern Canada began shortly after the Great War. The Algonquin at Kitigan Zibi coconstructed and participated in transborder political networks designed to bring attention to their cause and claims. They employed their treaties and wampum belts including the Royal Proclamation of 1763 to argue for the recognition of their treaty rights and traditional lands. By 1931, the Department of Indian Affairs was successful in temporarily shutting down Algonquin political organizing. However, throughout the remainder of the twentieth century, the Algonquin continued their transborder political associations and continued to press for recognition of their treaty rights and traditional lands.","PeriodicalId":22216,"journal":{"name":"The American Indian Quarterly","volume":"6 1","pages":"56 - 79"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88100020","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-12-16DOI: 10.5250/amerindiquar.45.1.0001
J. J. Clark
Abstract:In 2014, Joe Shirley, Jr. and Christopher L. Clark Deschene secured the first and second place positions, respectively, in the Navajo Nation presidential elections by defeating fifteen other candidates. Ten days into the general election race, Deschene's campaign was thwarted when two former candidates, Hank Whitethorne and Dale E. Tsosie, filed grievances with the Navajo Nation Office of Hearings and Appeals claiming that Deschene did not meet the language fluency requirement outlined in the election code. A critical moment in the controversy was the Supreme Court of the Navajo Nation's October 9 ruling that language fluency was a reasonable regulation of the candidate's right to political liberty. Months later, Deschene was eventually removed from the ballot. This article examines the critical discourse within and around the October 9, 2014 Supreme Court ruling to illustrate the ways language, identity, and leadership are discursively and legally constituted among Diné people. This study shows how the debates about leadership, language, and identity factor into Dinéness and the shared concern with enactments of sovereignty to secure a Diné future. This article demonstrates how tribal sovereignty is closely tied to the colonial mandate of eliminating Indigenous peoples, especially in the Supreme Court's deployment of tradition to create and enforce boundaries of inclusion and exclusion.
摘要:2014年，在纳瓦霍族总统选举中，Joe Shirley, Jr.和Christopher L. Clark Deschene击败其他15名候选人，分别获得了第一和第二名的位置。大选进行到第十天时，德尚的竞选活动受挫，因为两名前候选人汉克·怀特索恩和戴尔·e·特索西向纳瓦霍国家听证和上诉办公室提出申诉，声称德尚没有达到选举法中规定的语言流利程度要求。这场争论的关键时刻是纳瓦霍族最高法院10月9日的裁决，即流利的语言是对候选人政治自由权的合理规定。几个月后，德尚最终被从选票中除名。本文考察了2014年10月9日最高法院裁决内部及其周围的批评话语，以说明语言，身份和领导力在人民中被话语和法律构成的方式。这项研究显示了关于领导力，语言和身份因素的争论如何进入din，以及对主权立法的共同关注，以确保din的未来。这篇文章展示了部落主权是如何与消灭土著人民的殖民任务紧密联系在一起的，特别是在最高法院利用传统来建立和执行包容和排斥的界限时。
{"title":"In and Against the Image of Our Ancestors: Language, Leadership, and Sovereignty in the 2014 Navajo Nation Presidential Election Controversy","authors":"J. J. Clark","doi":"10.5250/amerindiquar.45.1.0001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5250/amerindiquar.45.1.0001","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:In 2014, Joe Shirley, Jr. and Christopher L. Clark Deschene secured the first and second place positions, respectively, in the Navajo Nation presidential elections by defeating fifteen other candidates. Ten days into the general election race, Deschene's campaign was thwarted when two former candidates, Hank Whitethorne and Dale E. Tsosie, filed grievances with the Navajo Nation Office of Hearings and Appeals claiming that Deschene did not meet the language fluency requirement outlined in the election code. A critical moment in the controversy was the Supreme Court of the Navajo Nation's October 9 ruling that language fluency was a reasonable regulation of the candidate's right to political liberty. Months later, Deschene was eventually removed from the ballot. This article examines the critical discourse within and around the October 9, 2014 Supreme Court ruling to illustrate the ways language, identity, and leadership are discursively and legally constituted among Diné people. This study shows how the debates about leadership, language, and identity factor into Dinéness and the shared concern with enactments of sovereignty to secure a Diné future. This article demonstrates how tribal sovereignty is closely tied to the colonial mandate of eliminating Indigenous peoples, especially in the Supreme Court's deployment of tradition to create and enforce boundaries of inclusion and exclusion.","PeriodicalId":22216,"journal":{"name":"The American Indian Quarterly","volume":"109 1","pages":"1 - 32"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89713017","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-12-16DOI: 10.5250/amerindiquar.45.1.0033
M. Carpenter
Abstract:This article examines the pitfalls and potentialities of the recent inclusion of indigenous nations in the strategic videogame series Europa Universalis and Civilization. By making protagonists of dynamic indigenous nations—and putting them on the same plane as the nations of Europe and Asia—newer entries in these series encourage players to think of indigenous polities as sovereign, active, and independent. This is a seeming break from earlier iterations that portrayed them as alien Others. However, both series remain reliant on settler colonial mechanics of play, portraying Native nations as dynamic, future-oriented, and modern only via universalized, Eurocentric metrics of achievement, and participation in the conquest of an "empty" world. The newer versions of Europa Universalis and Civilization encourage players to consider aspects of indigenous sovereignty, but remain freighted with a colonizing vision that "sees" only national and imperial power as legitimate. These games allow for indigenous sovereignty only within that lens. While there is potential within the genre to communicate messages of indigenous sovereignty and dynamism in ways unusual in popular media, these game series (and the genre of which they are a part) remain mired in settler colonial assumptions.
{"title":"Replaying Colonialism: Indigenous National Sovereignty and Its Limits in Strategic Videogames","authors":"M. Carpenter","doi":"10.5250/amerindiquar.45.1.0033","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5250/amerindiquar.45.1.0033","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:This article examines the pitfalls and potentialities of the recent inclusion of indigenous nations in the strategic videogame series Europa Universalis and Civilization. By making protagonists of dynamic indigenous nations—and putting them on the same plane as the nations of Europe and Asia—newer entries in these series encourage players to think of indigenous polities as sovereign, active, and independent. This is a seeming break from earlier iterations that portrayed them as alien Others. However, both series remain reliant on settler colonial mechanics of play, portraying Native nations as dynamic, future-oriented, and modern only via universalized, Eurocentric metrics of achievement, and participation in the conquest of an \"empty\" world. The newer versions of Europa Universalis and Civilization encourage players to consider aspects of indigenous sovereignty, but remain freighted with a colonizing vision that \"sees\" only national and imperial power as legitimate. These games allow for indigenous sovereignty only within that lens. While there is potential within the genre to communicate messages of indigenous sovereignty and dynamism in ways unusual in popular media, these game series (and the genre of which they are a part) remain mired in settler colonial assumptions.","PeriodicalId":22216,"journal":{"name":"The American Indian Quarterly","volume":"13 1","pages":"33 - 55"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83293620","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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