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Exploring the Tenure - Democracy Nexus on Customary Land Right Holders 传统土地权利人的权属-民主关系探讨
Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI: 10.59186/si.ry9fbpgu
Tendai Murisa
In Zimbabwe, as in many African countries, land remains a basic strategic asset for those who live in the rural areas. Particularly, for those people in customary tenured areas, access to land is negotiated through identity. Most Zimbabweans either live or have land rights in customary tenure areas. Here, land is not a commodity that can be traded nor is it regarded as an individual asset. Disputes related to access, ownership and use of customary tenure land are handled in traditional courts presided over by chiefs and their subordinate structures. Those who dwell in customary tenure areas have no direct relationship with civil courts, where private property disputes are resolved, but instead, must go through the traditional courts. In one of my earlier publications, I have argued that the involvement of traditional courts in customary land tenure issues is the hallmark of classical citizenship. While I continue to proffer this argument in the current study, the study also illustrates how traditional authority has, over the years become an appendage of the state through strategic measures which include salaries for chiefs, vehicles, rural electrification, and power that comes with being entrusted with the role of distributing subsidies. Additionally, the exclusion of customary tenure areas from formal financial services means that households are at the mercy of government led subsidies which are steeped within the political interests of the ruling party ZANU-PF. In many cases, government subsidies end up being used as incentive to support the incumbent party. In such instances, elected officeholders take the lead in the distribution of these subsidies. The relationship between land tenure and democracy is perhaps the most compelling for reforms, but rarely discussed. In this study I expand on my previous interventions by arguing that the ways in which land is held in customary tenure areas and the existing subsidy regimes have played a critical role in restricting rural residents’ autonomy to make autonomous political choices. I further argue that the autonomy to choose is mostly compromised in contexts where access to productive resources such as land, markets, mechanical, financial, and physical capital are negotiated through subservience to traditional authorities who are politically affiliated.
与许多非洲国家一样,在津巴布韦,土地仍然是生活在农村地区的人的一项基本战略资产。特别是对于那些居住在习惯占有地区的人来说,获得土地是通过身份谈判的。大多数津巴布韦人要么生活在传统的土地保有地区,要么拥有土地权利。在这里,土地不是一种可以交易的商品,也不被视为个人资产。有关取得、拥有和使用习惯保有土地的争端由酋长及其下属机构主持的传统法庭处理。那些居住在传统权属地区的人与民事法院没有直接关系,而民事法院是解决私人财产纠纷的地方,他们必须通过传统法院。在我早期发表的一篇文章中,我认为传统法院对传统土地所有权问题的介入是古典公民权的标志。虽然我在当前的研究中继续提出这一论点,但该研究也说明了传统权威是如何在多年来通过战略措施(包括酋长的工资、车辆、农村电气化和分配补贴的权力)成为国家的附属物的。此外,将传统的土地使用权排除在正式的金融服务之外,意味着家庭受政府主导的补贴的支配,而这些补贴完全是执政党非洲民族联盟-爱国阵线的政治利益所决定的。在许多情况下,政府补贴最终被用作支持执政党的激励措施。在这种情况下,选举产生的官员带头分配这些补贴。土地所有权和民主之间的关系可能是最迫切需要改革的,但很少被讨论。在这项研究中,我扩展了我之前的干预措施,认为土地在习惯权属地区的持有方式和现有的补贴制度在限制农村居民做出自主政治选择的自主权方面发挥了关键作用。我进一步认为,在对土地、市场、机械、金融和物质资本等生产资源的获取是通过服从于政治附属的传统权威来谈判的情况下,选择的自主权大多受到损害。
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引用次数: 0
New Citizen Forms of Solidarity in Zimbabwe’s Crisis-Stricken Context 津巴布韦危机背景下的新公民团结形式
Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI: 10.59186/si.jioxbwyh
Eddah Jowah, B. Moyo
The real effectiveness of foreign aid or overseas development assistance is evident in the improvement of the livelihoods of the recipients for the better. There have been numerous debates and discussions around the extent to which foreign aid brings about true development for countries in the global south. In the case of Zimbabwe, foreign aid and its reduction have been linked to the political standoff between the country and the west, particularly after the implementation of the controversial land reform program. Coupled with a protracted economic crisis that has stretched for over 20 years, the expectation was for the country to completely collapse. However, this has not been the case. Citizens found ways or alternatives to continue with their lives and develop mechanisms of resilience and solidarity that allowed them to keep on going even amid the political and economic crises of the last 22 years. How did they do this and what role can this play in advancing a more inclusive society and approach to development This paper explores this question.
外援或海外发展援助的真正效力体现在改善受援国的生计方面。关于外国援助在多大程度上为全球南方国家带来真正的发展,人们进行了许多辩论和讨论。就津巴布韦而言,外国援助及其减少与该国与西方之间的政治僵局有关,特别是在实施有争议的土地改革计划之后。再加上持续了20多年的经济危机,人们预期这个国家会彻底崩溃。然而,事实并非如此。公民们找到了继续生活的方法或选择,并建立了恢复力和团结的机制,使他们即使在过去22年的政治和经济危机中也能继续前进。他们是如何做到这一点的,这在推动一个更具包容性的社会和发展方式方面可以发挥什么作用。本文探讨了这个问题。
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引用次数: 0
Political Inclusion in Local Governance Processes in Zimbabwe: A Contextual Analysis 津巴布韦地方治理过程中的政治包容:语境分析
Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI: 10.59186/si.m7uxm0ui
Delta Sivalo
Current political inclusion studies focus on creating inclusive policies and platforms that aim to support the political inclusion of marginalised people. Although it is known that the socio political urban governance landscape can impact on real-life experiences of people living in contexts where civic space is politicised, this can be overlooked when exploring and implementing political inclusion policies. This paper addresses an important gap in the literature by exploring the contextual drivers of political inclusion, and exclusion, of citizens in local governance processes and platforms in Zimbabwe. The paper combined informal conversations with a review and analysis of secondary and primary data sources on political inclusion. The data elicited were analysed to construct key themes. The findings were interpreted through a lens of political inclusion and demonstrated how the socio-political local governance environment both enabled and inhibited political inclusion. Based on these findings, the paper offers recommendations for practitioners, researchers and policy makers wishing to promote political inclusion in local governance.
当前的政治包容研究侧重于创建包容性政策和平台,旨在支持边缘化人群的政治包容。虽然众所周知,社会政治城市治理景观可以影响生活在公民空间政治化背景下的人们的现实生活体验,但在探索和实施政治包容政策时,这一点可能被忽视。本文通过探讨津巴布韦地方治理过程和平台中公民的政治包容和排斥的背景驱动因素,解决了文献中的一个重要空白。该文件将非正式对话与对有关政治包容的次要和主要数据来源的审查和分析结合起来。对得到的数据进行分析,以构建关键主题。研究结果通过政治包容的视角进行解释,并展示了社会政治地方治理环境如何促进和抑制政治包容。基于这些发现,本文为希望在地方治理中促进政治包容的实践者、研究者和政策制定者提供了建议。
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引用次数: 0
Zimbabwe’s 2023 Elections: Linking Elections, Democracy and Inclusive Development 津巴布韦2023年选举:将选举、民主和包容性发展联系起来
Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI: 10.59186/si.7qmdplud
J. Muzondidya
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引用次数: 0
Financial Inclusion in Zimbabwe: Re-imagining Prospects for Inclusive Stakeholder Involvement and National Development 津巴布韦的金融包容性:重新构想包容性利益相关者参与和国家发展的前景
Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI: 10.59186/si.7gsfpxq0
Tendai Chikweche, Belinda Chaora, R. Cross
The purpose of the study is to investigate the successes, gaps, limitations and failures of initiatives to improve financial inclusion in Zimbabwe and their potential impact on achieving citizen-centred inclusive socio-economic development. Our study contributes to the limited knowledge on financial inclusion in Zimbabwe by presenting findings from a 2021 study on the financial inclusion of micro, small and medium enterprises in Zimbabwe. The study’s findings are complimented by a review of other citizen-focused studies on financial inclusion in Zimbabwe. Key findings from this study include notable effort by the supporting system to improve the policy environment, improved access to financial services for women and integration of digital technologies to enhance financial inclusion. However, the empirical evidence from the enterprises indicates continued challenges in both the demand and supply sides and also shows how these are caused by the complex nuances of operating in Zimbabwe, which require urgent attention. The study identifies the current limited commitment by political stakeholders to articulate deliberate policies and programmes that support citizen-centred financial inclusion as a major challenge. We propose a framework for relevant conceptualisation of financial inclusion which involves a deliberate process of citizen engagement in co-designing and co-creating intervention and impact measurement strategies that are responsive to the lived circumstances of the citizens and enterprise.
本研究的目的是调查津巴布韦改善金融包容性举措的成功、差距、限制和失败,以及它们对实现以公民为中心的包容性社会经济发展的潜在影响。我们的研究通过介绍2021年津巴布韦中小微企业普惠金融研究的结果,有助于了解津巴布韦普惠金融的有限知识。这项研究的结果得到了对津巴布韦以公民为中心的金融包容性研究的评价。本研究的主要发现包括支持系统在改善政策环境、改善妇女获得金融服务的机会和整合数字技术以加强普惠金融方面做出的显著努力。然而,来自企业的经验证据表明,需求和供应两方面都面临着持续的挑战,并表明这些挑战是如何由在津巴布韦开展业务的复杂细微差别造成的,这些细微差别需要紧急关注。该研究指出,目前政治利益攸关方在阐明支持以公民为中心的普惠金融的审慎政策和计划方面的承诺有限,这是一项重大挑战。我们为普惠金融的相关概念提出了一个框架,该框架涉及公民参与共同设计和共同创造干预和影响测量策略的深思熟虑过程,这些策略响应公民和企业的生活环境。
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引用次数: 0
An Analysis of the Existing Form of Governance Politics in Zimbabwe and Proposals for a New Kind of Policymaking 津巴布韦现有治理政治形态分析及新决策模式的建议
Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI: 10.59186/si.yifw6fns
E. Masunungure, Hardlife Zvoushe
This article analyses Zimbabwe’s existing governance politics, specifically focusing on the politics of policy making. We argue that the existing form of governance politics in Zimbabwe is characterised by the vertical modality of rule whereby policies are crafted unilaterally at the apex of the party state with little or no input from affected stakeholders – including ordinary citizens - and then fed to citizens who are therefore treated as dispensable policy takers. We further argue that the current forms of politics and policymaking are similarly exclusionary in nature, relying on centralised governance approaches where the central government and the ruling party unilaterally make governance decisions and formulate policy without consulting citizens and other key stakeholders. Finally, we propose the adoption of a ‘distributed problem-solving model’ which acknowledges and prioritises the unique needs and interests of different social groups in governance and policy making.
本文分析了津巴布韦现有的治理政治,特别关注政策制定政治。我们认为,津巴布韦现有的治理政治形式的特点是垂直的统治模式,即政策是在党国的最高层单方面制定的,受影响的利益相关者(包括普通公民)很少或根本没有投入,然后将其提供给公民,因此这些公民被视为可有可无的政策接受者。我们进一步认为,当前的政治和政策制定形式在本质上同样是排他性的,依赖于中央政府和执政党单方面做出治理决策和制定政策而不咨询公民和其他关键利益相关者的集中治理方法。最后,我们建议采用“分布式问题解决模型”,该模型承认并优先考虑不同社会群体在治理和政策制定中的独特需求和利益。
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引用次数: 0
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African Journal of Inclusive Societies
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