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:Never Turn Back: China and the Forbidden History of the 1980s 《永不回头:中国与1980年代被禁的历史》
Pub Date : 2023-07-01 DOI: 10.1086/725626
Sebastian Veg
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引用次数: 1
:Class and the Communist Party of China, 1978–2021: Reform and Market Socialism 《阶级与中国共产党,1978-2021:改革与市场社会主义
Pub Date : 2023-07-01 DOI: 10.1086/725570
Xueguang Zhou
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引用次数: 1
:Coming Home to a Foreign Country: Xiamen and Returned Overseas Chinese, 1843–1938 《归国:厦门与归国华侨(1843-1938)
Pub Date : 2023-07-01 DOI: 10.1086/724916
Shelly Chan
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引用次数: 0
:The End of the Village: Planning the Urbanization of Rural China 《村庄的终结:中国农村城市化规划》
Pub Date : 2023-07-01 DOI: 10.1086/725569
John A. Donaldson
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引用次数: 0
:When the Iron Bird Flies: China’s Secret War in Tibet :当铁鸟飞翔:中国在西藏的秘密战争
Pub Date : 2023-07-01 DOI: 10.1086/724902
M. Goldstein
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引用次数: 0
:Innovate to Dominate: The Rise of the Chinese Techno-Security State 创新主导:中国技术安全国家的崛起
Pub Date : 2023-07-01 DOI: 10.1086/725577
Munish Sharma
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引用次数: 0
:Contesting Chineseness: Nationality, Class, Gender and New Chinese Migrants 中国性之争:国籍、阶级、性别与中国新移民
Pub Date : 2023-07-01 DOI: 10.1086/725627
C. Hoon
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引用次数: 0
:Localized Bargaining: The Political Economy of China’s High-Speed Railway Program :本土化谈判:中国高铁项目的政治经济学
Pub Date : 2023-07-01 DOI: 10.1086/724918
Daniel Koss
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引用次数: 0
:Disruptions as Opportunities: Governing Chinese Society with Interactive Authoritarianism 颠覆即机遇:以互动威权主义治理中国社会
Pub Date : 2023-07-01 DOI: 10.1086/725581
Wenfang Tang, Lin Song
How has the Chinese Communist Party managed to remain in power over the last 40 years without democratization, despite the fall of so many other communist states? What is the source of its authori-tarian resilience (to borrow Andrew Nathan ’ s term)? How does a non-democratic, top-down state build flexibility and adaptability into its governance practices? In Disruptions as Opportunities , Taiyi Sun offers a compelling answer with his new theory of interactive authoritarianism . Sun ’ s theory is based on an impressive wealth of rigorously analysed empirical data, and the resulting conceptual framework has the potential to be of great use for researchers studying state – society relations in China. According to Sun, the strategy of interactive authoritarianism has three stages: toleration, differentiation and legalization. He illustrates the framework through three case studies: civil service organizations in Sichuan, social-media publications censorship and rideshare protests in Hangzhou. The first stage is toleration . When state actors become aware of a new type of civil society organization or activity, their first reaction is to wait and see – even if these new activities are technically illegal. This allows local governments to collect information on the new organizations and allows them to develop to the point where they could be potentially useful. The toleration stage explains why Chinese NGOs were allowed to proliferate in the early 2000s, even though most of these organizations were in violation of laws and regulations. When rideshare drivers demonstrated against officials who tried to arrest them in the 2010s, the state did very little to intervene. Instead, state actors chose to sit back to see how the industry would develop. In the second stage, differentiation , state actors sort out the new organizations, determining their capabilities and
在没有民主化的情况下,中国共产党是如何在过去40年里继续掌权的,尽管其他许多共产主义国家都垮台了?它的权威主义弹性(借用安德鲁•内森的术语)的来源是什么?一个非民主的、自上而下的国家如何在其治理实践中建立灵活性和适应性?在《颠覆即机遇》一书中,孙太一用他的互动威权主义新理论给出了一个令人信服的答案。孙的理论建立在大量经过严格分析的实证数据基础之上,由此得出的概念框架对于研究中国国家与社会关系的研究人员有很大的帮助。根据孙的观点,互动威权主义的策略有三个阶段:容忍、分化和合法化。他通过三个案例来说明这个框架:四川的公务员组织、社交媒体出版物审查和杭州的拼车抗议。第一阶段是宽容。当国家行动者意识到一种新型的公民社会组织或活动时,他们的第一反应是观望——即使这些新活动在技术上是非法的。这使地方政府能够收集有关新组织的信息,并使它们能够发展到可能有用的程度。容忍阶段解释了为什么中国非政府组织在21世纪初被允许激增,尽管这些组织大多数都违反了法律法规。2010年代,当拼车司机抗议试图逮捕他们的官员时,政府几乎没有进行干预。相反,国家行为者选择袖手旁观,看看该行业将如何发展。在第二阶段,分化,国家行为体整理新的组织,确定他们的能力和
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引用次数: 0
:Engaging China: Rebuilding Sino-American Relations 与中国接触:重建中美关系
Pub Date : 2023-07-01 DOI: 10.1086/724914
S. Chan
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引用次数: 0
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