Pub Date : 2020-05-18DOI: 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469654539.003.0003
Luís Hernández Navarro
This chapter documents the violence, murders, human rights violations, public security crisis, and the failed war on drugs during the six-year term of President Felipe Calderón. Mexico has high levels of violence, which is documented in the nota roja (“red press”). While NAFTA and drugs devastated rural communities, other segments of Mexican society thrived. Fears of future violence, extortion, and exploitation caused communities across Mexico to form self-defense groups and community police and protest government security forces.
{"title":"Nota Roja Country","authors":"Luís Hernández Navarro","doi":"10.5149/northcarolina/9781469654539.003.0003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469654539.003.0003","url":null,"abstract":"This chapter documents the violence, murders, human rights violations, public security crisis, and the failed war on drugs during the six-year term of President Felipe Calderón. Mexico has high levels of violence, which is documented in the nota roja (“red press”). While NAFTA and drugs devastated rural communities, other segments of Mexican society thrived. Fears of future violence, extortion, and exploitation caused communities across Mexico to form self-defense groups and community police and protest government security forces.","PeriodicalId":251376,"journal":{"name":"Self-Defense in Mexico","volume":"86 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-05-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124948555","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-05-18DOI: 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469654539.003.0008
Luis Hernández Navarro
Michoacán is experiencing a war between two armed groups of civilians and has become the “Wild West” of twenty-first century Mexico. Neither side, nor the government, agrees on what is actually going on. Drug production and the money to be made from it, cartels, borders, poverty, and migration partly explain the violence.
{"title":"The Wild West","authors":"Luis Hernández Navarro","doi":"10.5149/northcarolina/9781469654539.003.0008","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469654539.003.0008","url":null,"abstract":"Michoacán is experiencing a war between two armed groups of civilians and has become the “Wild West” of twenty-first century Mexico. Neither side, nor the government, agrees on what is actually going on. Drug production and the money to be made from it, cartels, borders, poverty, and migration partly explain the violence.","PeriodicalId":251376,"journal":{"name":"Self-Defense in Mexico","volume":"45 3","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-05-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141204218","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-05-18DOI: 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469654539.003.0005
Luis Hernández Navarro
This chapter focuses on the rise of violence in Guerrero. Due to the increased precarity of their lives, indigenous, peasant communities have created community police. These groups feel the brunt of government repression and attacks from police. Indigenous and progressive leaders in the state have been consistently targeted, kidnapped, and murdered.
{"title":"Bitter Guerrero","authors":"Luis Hernández Navarro","doi":"10.5149/northcarolina/9781469654539.003.0005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469654539.003.0005","url":null,"abstract":"This chapter focuses on the rise of violence in Guerrero. Due to the increased precarity of their lives, indigenous, peasant communities have created community police. These groups feel the brunt of government repression and attacks from police. Indigenous and progressive leaders in the state have been consistently targeted, kidnapped, and murdered.","PeriodicalId":251376,"journal":{"name":"Self-Defense in Mexico","volume":"141 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-05-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116761301","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-05-18DOI: 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469654539.003.0006
Luís Hernández Navarro
The community police movement was born at a meeting on September 17, 1995 in San Luis Acatlán in response to the continued violence, vigilantism, insecurity, and corporate mining in Guerrero. Government authorities and representatives of community police had a contradictory relationship. Over nineteen years, the government has vacillated between tolerating and then persecuting community police. The Regional Coordinator of Community Authorities (CRAC) was a key player in this period. This community policing helped indigenous, mestizo, and Afro-descendent communities begin reclaiming their rights and identity.
{"title":"The Community Police","authors":"Luís Hernández Navarro","doi":"10.5149/northcarolina/9781469654539.003.0006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469654539.003.0006","url":null,"abstract":"The community police movement was born at a meeting on September 17, 1995 in San Luis Acatlán in response to the continued violence, vigilantism, insecurity, and corporate mining in Guerrero. Government authorities and representatives of community police had a contradictory relationship. Over nineteen years, the government has vacillated between tolerating and then persecuting community police. The Regional Coordinator of Community Authorities (CRAC) was a key player in this period. This community policing helped indigenous, mestizo, and Afro-descendent communities begin reclaiming their rights and identity.","PeriodicalId":251376,"journal":{"name":"Self-Defense in Mexico","volume":"75 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-05-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124665585","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-05-18DOI: 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469654539.003.0004
Luís Hernández Navarro
The No Más Sangre movement of 2011 and the Movement for Peace with Justice and Dignity (MPJD) were watersheds in the process of organizing citizen discontent in Mexico. The MPJD sought unity and collective action from a diverse coalition of political actors, social organizations, and victims of violence who were excluded from the current party political regime. The MPJD sponsored public marches, peace caravans, and dialogues with government officials. Despite its enormous accomplishments, the MPJD failed to stop the violence and began to lose support. With its failure, self-defense and community police groups flourished across Mexico.
2011年的No Más Sangre运动和正义与尊严和平运动(MPJD)是墨西哥组织公民不满过程中的分水岭。公民党寻求政治行动者、社会组织和被排除在当前政党政治体制之外的暴力受害者的多元化联盟的团结和集体行动。MPJD赞助了公众游行、和平商队以及与政府官员的对话。尽管MPJD取得了巨大的成就，但它未能阻止暴力，并开始失去支持。由于失败，自卫和社区警察组织在墨西哥各地蓬勃发展。
{"title":"The Emergency Brake","authors":"Luís Hernández Navarro","doi":"10.5149/northcarolina/9781469654539.003.0004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469654539.003.0004","url":null,"abstract":"The No Más Sangre movement of 2011 and the Movement for Peace with Justice and Dignity (MPJD) were watersheds in the process of organizing citizen discontent in Mexico. The MPJD sought unity and collective action from a diverse coalition of political actors, social organizations, and victims of violence who were excluded from the current party political regime. The MPJD sponsored public marches, peace caravans, and dialogues with government officials. Despite its enormous accomplishments, the MPJD failed to stop the violence and began to lose support. With its failure, self-defense and community police groups flourished across Mexico.","PeriodicalId":251376,"journal":{"name":"Self-Defense in Mexico","volume":"52 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-05-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116008977","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-05-18DOI: 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469654539.003.0009
Luís Hernández Navarro
In response to the exploitation of their land by drug cartels, the indigenous Nahua people formed a self-defense group. The Ostula Manifesto, declared in 2009 in Michoacán, proclaimed a right to indigenous self-defense and is of historical importance to the history of indigenous struggle in Mexico. Other indigenous groups throughout the area claimed the Ostula Manifesto and began forming self-defense systems to protect themselves.
{"title":"The Indigenous Dawn","authors":"Luís Hernández Navarro","doi":"10.5149/northcarolina/9781469654539.003.0009","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469654539.003.0009","url":null,"abstract":"In response to the exploitation of their land by drug cartels, the indigenous Nahua people formed a self-defense group. The Ostula Manifesto, declared in 2009 in Michoacán, proclaimed a right to indigenous self-defense and is of historical importance to the history of indigenous struggle in Mexico. Other indigenous groups throughout the area claimed the Ostula Manifesto and began forming self-defense systems to protect themselves.","PeriodicalId":251376,"journal":{"name":"Self-Defense in Mexico","volume":"1074 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-05-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116022250","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-05-18DOI: 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469654539.003.0013
Luís Hernández Navarro
In May 2014, there was a national gathering of autodefensas in Mexico. At this gathering, autodefensas leaders and their allies sought to unite and consolidate citizen frustration with public insecurity. They also blamed the government, not the autodefensas, for continued and escalating violence. The autodefensas are now a metaphorical Frankenstein in terms of reputation for the general public. Despite the judgements, the experiment of self-defense and community policing continues to grow in Mexico.
{"title":"The Rewriting of Frankenstein","authors":"Luís Hernández Navarro","doi":"10.5149/northcarolina/9781469654539.003.0013","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469654539.003.0013","url":null,"abstract":"In May 2014, there was a national gathering of autodefensas in Mexico. At this gathering, autodefensas leaders and their allies sought to unite and consolidate citizen frustration with public insecurity. They also blamed the government, not the autodefensas, for continued and escalating violence. The autodefensas are now a metaphorical Frankenstein in terms of reputation for the general public. Despite the judgements, the experiment of self-defense and community policing continues to grow in Mexico.","PeriodicalId":251376,"journal":{"name":"Self-Defense in Mexico","volume":"49 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-05-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133672611","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-05-18DOI: 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469654539.003.0012
Luís Hernández Navarro
By 2014, people in Mexico were divided in their opinions on self-defense groups and their proliferation. Not all autodefenses are the same, but they share common features such as facing a lack of security in their region, police impunity, and marginalization; they also all appeal to their rights as (indigenous) peoples or the need to survive as a source of legitimacy. They also already occupy a significant place in Mexico’s political life, so it is hard to dismiss or support them outright.
{"title":"Some Other Pieces of the Puzzle","authors":"Luís Hernández Navarro","doi":"10.5149/northcarolina/9781469654539.003.0012","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469654539.003.0012","url":null,"abstract":"By 2014, people in Mexico were divided in their opinions on self-defense groups and their proliferation. Not all autodefenses are the same, but they share common features such as facing a lack of security in their region, police impunity, and marginalization; they also all appeal to their rights as (indigenous) peoples or the need to survive as a source of legitimacy. They also already occupy a significant place in Mexico’s political life, so it is hard to dismiss or support them outright.","PeriodicalId":251376,"journal":{"name":"Self-Defense in Mexico","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-05-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129956151","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-05-18DOI: 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469654539.003.0002
Luís Hernández Navarro
Founded in 1983 in rural Mexico, the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN) marked a watershed in terms of indigenous self-defense. The Zapatista struggle set a precedence for those embarking on a process of community policing, legitimized indigenous demands, and created a template in which community security and justice were key. Yet the EZLN’s rise also led to its being targeted by government-backed organizations such as the Cioac-H, which assassinated a Zapatista leader in 2014.
{"title":"Renaissance in the Zapatista Mayan World","authors":"Luís Hernández Navarro","doi":"10.5149/northcarolina/9781469654539.003.0002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469654539.003.0002","url":null,"abstract":"Founded in 1983 in rural Mexico, the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN) marked a watershed in terms of indigenous self-defense. The Zapatista struggle set a precedence for those embarking on a process of community policing, legitimized indigenous demands, and created a template in which community security and justice were key. Yet the EZLN’s rise also led to its being targeted by government-backed organizations such as the Cioac-H, which assassinated a Zapatista leader in 2014.","PeriodicalId":251376,"journal":{"name":"Self-Defense in Mexico","volume":"64 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-05-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132401333","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-05-18DOI: 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469654539.003.0007
Luís Hernández Navarro
By 2013, CRAC’s internal cohesion cracked, and the grassroots democracy of community police had been distorted. There were three major ruptures with CRAC: in 2010 with the Union of Peoples and Organizations of the State of Guerrero (UPOEG); in 2013 with the communities of Tixtla, Olinalá, and Ayutla; and the third from a severe fracture within leadership of San Luis Acatlán House of Justice. All the parties involved in the rupture blamed the government, even though all of them then negotiated separately with the government. The battle for leadership also caused a battle to control economic interests.
{"title":"The End of the Dream","authors":"Luís Hernández Navarro","doi":"10.5149/northcarolina/9781469654539.003.0007","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469654539.003.0007","url":null,"abstract":"By 2013, CRAC’s internal cohesion cracked, and the grassroots democracy of community police had been distorted. There were three major ruptures with CRAC: in 2010 with the Union of Peoples and Organizations of the State of Guerrero (UPOEG); in 2013 with the communities of Tixtla, Olinalá, and Ayutla; and the third from a severe fracture within leadership of San Luis Acatlán House of Justice. All the parties involved in the rupture blamed the government, even though all of them then negotiated separately with the government. The battle for leadership also caused a battle to control economic interests.","PeriodicalId":251376,"journal":{"name":"Self-Defense in Mexico","volume":"10 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-05-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125953987","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：