Under what circumstances might a state be subject to liability for the conduct of its state owned enterprises (SOEs)? That question, always controversial but apparently settled by the end of the last century, has once again become important as the old conceptual categories for liability have become unsettled. It is now no longer clear that states may authoritatively claim immunity for themselves and for the non-commercial activities of the SOEs. This contribution examines the effect of substantial transformations in the legal environment of enterprise operation on the conceptual framework within which principles of immunity (and its waiver) was grounded. The legalization of responsible business conduct through disclosure and supply chain due diligence legislation, as well as the rise of human rights business torts based on production chain responsibility have upended the traditional conceptual framework of immunity and of the separation of the state from its economic organs. The governmentalization of economic activities and the extension of regulatory responsibilities of apex economic enterprises across their supply chains have produced a context in which private enterprises now assert sovereign authority even as states exercise private market power through their management and control of autonomous economic actors in markets. In this context Part 2 considers the challenge to the standard model of state owner liability for the conduct or activities of SOEs in the form of the new supply chain due diligence laws, and the Modern Slavery reporting provisions being enacted in Europe and Australia. Part 3 then considers the challenge to traditional models that may emerge from the development of human rights tort law. The contribution argues that the resulting context provides a basis for either for extending sovereign immunity to those regulatory responsibilities of all economic actors (irrespective of their public or private ownership) or of the reconception of sovereign regulation through legal compliance obligations as inherently commercial and thus not protected by principles of sovereign immunity when undertaken by SOEs. Further, the contribution suggests that this emerging conception of the role of economic actors produces a context in which the state can become its own legal subject, the state can simultaneously serve as the apex body corporate subject to regulatory obligations within its production chain and liable therefore to, and at the same time the sovereign authority that, enforces those obligations.
{"title":"‘Un Somaro Piumato’--Rethinking the Scope and Nature of State Liability for Acts of their Commercial Instrumentalities: State Owned Enterprises and State-Owner Liability in the Post-Global","authors":"L. Backer","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3878303","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3878303","url":null,"abstract":"Under what circumstances might a state be subject to liability for the conduct of its state owned enterprises (SOEs)? That question, always controversial but apparently settled by the end of the last century, has once again become important as the old conceptual categories for liability have become unsettled. It is now no longer clear that states may authoritatively claim immunity for themselves and for the non-commercial activities of the SOEs. This contribution examines the effect of substantial transformations in the legal environment of enterprise operation on the conceptual framework within which principles of immunity (and its waiver) was grounded. The legalization of responsible business conduct through disclosure and supply chain due diligence legislation, as well as the rise of human rights business torts based on production chain responsibility have upended the traditional conceptual framework of immunity and of the separation of the state from its economic organs. The governmentalization of economic activities and the extension of regulatory responsibilities of apex economic enterprises across their supply chains have produced a context in which private enterprises now assert sovereign authority even as states exercise private market power through their management and control of autonomous economic actors in markets. In this context Part 2 considers the challenge to the standard model of state owner liability for the conduct or activities of SOEs in the form of the new supply chain due diligence laws, and the Modern Slavery reporting provisions being enacted in Europe and Australia. Part 3 then considers the challenge to traditional models that may emerge from the development of human rights tort law. The contribution argues that the resulting context provides a basis for either for extending sovereign immunity to those regulatory responsibilities of all economic actors (irrespective of their public or private ownership) or of the reconception of sovereign regulation through legal compliance obligations as inherently commercial and thus not protected by principles of sovereign immunity when undertaken by SOEs. Further, the contribution suggests that this emerging conception of the role of economic actors produces a context in which the state can become its own legal subject, the state can simultaneously serve as the apex body corporate subject to regulatory obligations within its production chain and liable therefore to, and at the same time the sovereign authority that, enforces those obligations.","PeriodicalId":258423,"journal":{"name":"AARN: Theorizing Politics & Power (Political) (Topic)","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122417985","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Nicholas A. Callen, B. Wilson, J. Osborn, Max Schartz, Colin White
The western is a cultural phenomenon of the U.S., but the genealogy of its ideology—aristocratic honor, courage, and justice—extends back to ages of conquest and stories of heroes like Beowulf, Achilles, and Odysseus. Audiences in the infancy of the western craved an idealism taken from the white knight of medieval kingdoms, a hero known as the cowboy, whom they believed, built the country. Deirdre McCloskey argues that the modern world, not just the U.S., was built on a recasted set of ideals, a bourgeois ethic that is cause of our material improvement over last 300 years. The American ideology that attracts audiences to the western is thus at odds with the ideology in McCloskey’s economic history. Altogether independently, David Milch exploits this mismatch of ideas in the HBO series Deadwood (2004-2006). He creates a world that likewise challenges the ideology that the U.S. was built on aristocratic conquest. The transition from an aristocratic to a bourgeois ethical system plays out in the first 14 episodes of Deadwood, culminating in a classic showdown that the hero in a western must win. The questions are, who is the hero, who is the villain, and how did the hero win?
{"title":"The Bourgeois Virtues in 'Deadwood': Challenging American Ideology","authors":"Nicholas A. Callen, B. Wilson, J. Osborn, Max Schartz, Colin White","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3673286","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3673286","url":null,"abstract":"The western is a cultural phenomenon of the U.S., but the genealogy of its ideology—aristocratic honor, courage, and justice—extends back to ages of conquest and stories of heroes like Beowulf, Achilles, and Odysseus. Audiences in the infancy of the western craved an idealism taken from the white knight of medieval kingdoms, a hero known as the cowboy, whom they believed, built the country. Deirdre McCloskey argues that the modern world, not just the U.S., was built on a recasted set of ideals, a bourgeois ethic that is cause of our material improvement over last 300 years. The American ideology that attracts audiences to the western is thus at odds with the ideology in McCloskey’s economic history. Altogether independently, David Milch exploits this mismatch of ideas in the HBO series Deadwood (2004-2006). He creates a world that likewise challenges the ideology that the U.S. was built on aristocratic conquest. The transition from an aristocratic to a bourgeois ethical system plays out in the first 14 episodes of Deadwood, culminating in a classic showdown that the hero in a western must win. The questions are, who is the hero, who is the villain, and how did the hero win?","PeriodicalId":258423,"journal":{"name":"AARN: Theorizing Politics & Power (Political) (Topic)","volume":"16 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-04-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127637560","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
How can anti-corruption efforts influence bureaucratic selection? This paper approaches this question empirically, leveraging variations from China’s recent high-profile anti-corruption campaign. Exploiting government departments’ staggered exposure to audits from the top leadership, our difference-in-difference estimate shows that applicants to a department were almost halved following the intensive enforcement. We provide evidence that the decline in popularity of bureaucratic jobs may result from both decreased corrupt returns and increased career uncertainty.
{"title":"China’s Anti-Corruption Campaign and Civil Servant Fever","authors":"Weizheng Lai, Xun Li","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3662406","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3662406","url":null,"abstract":"How can anti-corruption efforts influence bureaucratic selection? This paper approaches this question empirically, leveraging variations from China’s recent high-profile anti-corruption campaign. Exploiting government departments’ staggered exposure to audits from the top leadership, our difference-in-difference estimate shows that applicants to a department were almost halved following the intensive enforcement. We provide evidence that the decline in popularity of bureaucratic jobs may result from both decreased corrupt returns and increased career uncertainty.","PeriodicalId":258423,"journal":{"name":"AARN: Theorizing Politics & Power (Political) (Topic)","volume":"40 3","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-05-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"120928688","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-01-31DOI: 10.34218/ijciet.11.1.2020.023
A. S. Setiawan, Y. Utama, Edy Lisdiyono
Fulfilling the needs of water is very important in people's lives because water has become a basic need and part of human rights. Conditions that often arise in the field are the problems related to the water quality, the service coverage, the continuity and the commercial. This research aims to develop the concept of regulation in fulfilling the needs of drinking water for equitable communities through solutions to the problem of the community access rights to get the decent clean water quality, the measurable quantities, and the service processes that do not differentiate the community capacity. This research method is a qualitative narrative with the empirical juridical analysis technique, illustrating the social and legal realities in several cities or districts in Indonesian province, and try to understand and explain the logic of logical interconnection between subjects in society that reveals the relationship between laws that are considered fair, or vice versa. The concept of Local Government in fulfilling the needs of drinking water for the community must be fair, comprehensive, and sustainable. However, on the other hand, people often get conditions which are not ideal in the form of water rights and protection services. This research discovers that efforts are needed to develop the concept of local government responsibility by making an ideal and holistic law in the spirit of equity and justice, taking into account the interests of the preservation of water resources themselves. The reconstruction of the concept of regulation of the responsibility of local governments, in fulfilling the needs of drinking water for the community, is needed because there has been a change in water as an economic value, and not human rights anymore.
{"title":"Social Justice and Water for All: Constructing a Local Legal Framework for a Good Governance","authors":"A. S. Setiawan, Y. Utama, Edy Lisdiyono","doi":"10.34218/ijciet.11.1.2020.023","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.34218/ijciet.11.1.2020.023","url":null,"abstract":"Fulfilling the needs of water is very important in people's lives because water has become a basic need and part of human rights. Conditions that often arise in the field are the problems related to the water quality, the service coverage, the continuity and the commercial. This research aims to develop the concept of regulation in fulfilling the needs of drinking water for equitable communities through solutions to the problem of the community access rights to get the decent clean water quality, the measurable quantities, and the service processes that do not differentiate the community capacity. This research method is a qualitative narrative with the empirical juridical analysis technique, illustrating the social and legal realities in several cities or districts in Indonesian province, and try to understand and explain the logic of logical interconnection between subjects in society that reveals the relationship between laws that are considered fair, or vice versa. The concept of Local Government in fulfilling the needs of drinking water for the community must be fair, comprehensive, and sustainable. However, on the other hand, people often get conditions which are not ideal in the form of water rights and protection services. This research discovers that efforts are needed to develop the concept of local government responsibility by making an ideal and holistic law in the spirit of equity and justice, taking into account the interests of the preservation of water resources themselves. The reconstruction of the concept of regulation of the responsibility of local governments, in fulfilling the needs of drinking water for the community, is needed because there has been a change in water as an economic value, and not human rights anymore.","PeriodicalId":258423,"journal":{"name":"AARN: Theorizing Politics & Power (Political) (Topic)","volume":"120 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-01-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114509834","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
English Abstract: Hybridity has become a central characteristic of accountability in public governance. Contemporary service delivery is increasingly defined by the mixing and layering of public, market and social accountability regimes operating as overlapping “hybrid” accountability arrangements. Although hybrid accountability is not a new phenomenon, recent trends have accelerated the process of hybridisation, particularly in welfare state governance. In this symposium, we seek to advance our understanding of the under-theorised concept of hybrid accountability and empirically examine what is actually going on. In this introductory article, we put forward a definition of what hybridity means in public welfare governance and explore its origins and dynamics. We then present the papers of this symposium, showing how they go beyond fixed and static typologies to grasp the dynamics of interactions between actors, values and mechanisms under hybrid accountability. We conclude by reflecting on a future research agenda for studying hybrid accountability arrangements.
{"title":"Accountability and Hybridity in Welfare Governance","authors":"Avishai Benish, P. Mattei","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.2928837","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2928837","url":null,"abstract":"English Abstract: Hybridity has become a central characteristic of accountability in public governance. Contemporary service delivery is increasingly defined by the mixing and layering of public, market and social accountability regimes operating as overlapping “hybrid” accountability arrangements. Although hybrid accountability is not a new phenomenon, recent trends have accelerated the process of hybridisation, particularly in welfare state governance. In this symposium, we seek to advance our understanding of the under-theorised concept of hybrid accountability and empirically examine what is actually going on. In this introductory article, we put forward a definition of what hybridity means in public welfare governance and explore its origins and dynamics. We then present the papers of this symposium, showing how they go beyond fixed and static typologies to grasp the dynamics of interactions between actors, values and mechanisms under hybrid accountability. We conclude by reflecting on a future research agenda for studying hybrid accountability arrangements.","PeriodicalId":258423,"journal":{"name":"AARN: Theorizing Politics & Power (Political) (Topic)","volume":"31 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116209035","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Dr. Temitope Francis Abiodun, Dr. Oluwasope Onafowora, Dr. Oludotun Adetunberu
Efforts at minimizing the barrage of security problems in West African states still remains a serious challenge facing the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS); and despite the forthright initiatives of the Organization in regional integration and maintenance of peace and security, incidents of violent conflicts appear persisting in various West African states. The bane of the study however, examines the effectiveness of the ECOWAS using its military group (ECOMIG) that was briefly put up in January, 2017 in maintaining peace and stable security in political crisis in the Gambia, a West African state. The theoretical framework employed for the study is elite theory. The study thoroughly examines roles of the ECOWAS and its military group (ECOMIG) in restoring peace and security in the Gambia during and after the post-election crisis that rocked the state. A documentary research design is used for the study. Findings in the study indicate that: the ECOWAS and ECOMIG played significant roles in resolving the political crisis and reducing the spate of violent conflicts that could have engulfed the Gambia during the recent political crisis and West Africa at large; and for the ECOWAS to be truly effective in peace and security maintenance through its military tool (ECOMIG), efforts must be geared towards making member states comply with the Organization’s directives; that it has to be fully ready to solve problems and; that it has a built-in ability to become an efficient player in peace and security maintenance in West Africa but faces unbending challenges which can only be decimated with extensive external support. The study concludes that the major challenge of the ECOWAS in maintaining regional integration with peace and security in West African region, is to prove that West Africans are capable of resolving their own inadequacies.
{"title":"ECOWAS and Military Group (ECOMIG): Force to Reckon With in Peace Enforcement and Stabilization Operations in West Africa: A Case of the Gambian 2016–2017 Political Crisis","authors":"Dr. Temitope Francis Abiodun, Dr. Oluwasope Onafowora, Dr. Oludotun Adetunberu","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3445633","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3445633","url":null,"abstract":"Efforts at minimizing the barrage of security problems in West African states still remains a serious challenge facing the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS); and despite the forthright initiatives of the Organization in regional integration and maintenance of peace and security, incidents of violent conflicts appear persisting in various West African states. The bane of the study however, examines the effectiveness of the ECOWAS using its military group (ECOMIG) that was briefly put up in January, 2017 in maintaining peace and stable security in political crisis in the Gambia, a West African state. The theoretical framework employed for the study is elite theory. The study thoroughly examines roles of the ECOWAS and its military group (ECOMIG) in restoring peace and security in the Gambia during and after the post-election crisis that rocked the state. A documentary research design is used for the study. Findings in the study indicate that: the ECOWAS and ECOMIG played significant roles in resolving the political crisis and reducing the spate of violent conflicts that could have engulfed the Gambia during the recent political crisis and West Africa at large; and for the ECOWAS to be truly effective in peace and security maintenance through its military tool (ECOMIG), efforts must be geared towards making member states comply with the Organization’s directives; that it has to be fully ready to solve problems and; that it has a built-in ability to become an efficient player in peace and security maintenance in West Africa but faces unbending challenges which can only be decimated with extensive external support. The study concludes that the major challenge of the ECOWAS in maintaining regional integration with peace and security in West African region, is to prove that West Africans are capable of resolving their own inadequacies.","PeriodicalId":258423,"journal":{"name":"AARN: Theorizing Politics & Power (Political) (Topic)","volume":"35 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-08-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127773303","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The “geopolitical complex” of Southeastern Europe, as a sub-system of the Europe-Asia-Middle East system, highlights its geo-economic dimension since the discovery of hydrocarbons in this geographical area has become a major geopolitical factor, resulting to competitions, conflicts, and strategic alliances among different actors/players. In this context, the particular space and time play an essential role, since the decision-making process has become a vital determinant of the necessary geostrategic synthesis under conditions of uncertainty and risk. This article approaches the subject under consideration by applying quantitative decision-making methods under uncertainty and/or limited uncertainty (risk) conditions by actors/players of the region; it examines the choice of alternative strategies that highlight not only the maximization of the actors’ geopolitical benefits but also provides added value to already formed strategic alliances. It also attempts to answer the question of how the construction of an LNG terminal can generate multiple benefits from its location and operation by presenting a theoretical model.
{"title":"The Geo-Economic and Geo-Energy Pillar of Power as a Geopolitical Decision Making Factor within the Dynamics of the Southeastern Europe Geopolitical Complex","authors":"Nikolaos Deniozos, Charis Vlados, Dimos Chatzinikolaou, Agis Digkas","doi":"10.22158/APE.V2N3P186","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22158/APE.V2N3P186","url":null,"abstract":"The “geopolitical complex” of Southeastern Europe, as a sub-system of the Europe-Asia-Middle East system, highlights its geo-economic dimension since the discovery of hydrocarbons in this geographical area has become a major geopolitical factor, resulting to competitions, conflicts, and strategic alliances among different actors/players. In this context, the particular space and time play an essential role, since the decision-making process has become a vital determinant of the necessary geostrategic synthesis under conditions of uncertainty and risk. This article approaches the subject under consideration by applying quantitative decision-making methods under uncertainty and/or limited uncertainty (risk) conditions by actors/players of the region; it examines the choice of alternative strategies that highlight not only the maximization of the actors’ geopolitical benefits but also provides added value to already formed strategic alliances. It also attempts to answer the question of how the construction of an LNG terminal can generate multiple benefits from its location and operation by presenting a theoretical model.","PeriodicalId":258423,"journal":{"name":"AARN: Theorizing Politics & Power (Political) (Topic)","volume":"56 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-06-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115033503","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Economic theorizations of malevolence as laid out in Bargaining Theory (Anderton and Carter 2009) have discussed how grievances over perceived injustices can alter the utility functions, settlement net resources, and therefore the propensity and calculus of war between two nations. To put this assertion to the test, this working paper examines the Pulwama War and the India-Pakistan standoff of 2019 from a malevolence perspective. It also contrasts this with political bias in bargaining theory (Chohan 2019) in the same case study. The findings of the working paper indicate that the Indian government’s expediency of war may resonate with a malevolence perspective, but the political bias of bargaining theory, as theorized in the game-theoretic economic literature, has greater explanatory power and relevance.
《讨价还价理论》(Anderton and Carter 2009)中提出的关于恶意的经济理论讨论了对感知到的不公正的不满如何改变效用函数、结算净资源，从而改变两国之间的战争倾向和计算。为了验证这一论断，本文从恶意的角度审视了2019年的普尔瓦马战争和印巴对峙。在同一案例研究中，它还将这与讨价还价理论中的政治偏见进行了对比(Chohan 2019)。工作论文的研究结果表明，印度政府的战争权宜之计可能与恶意观点产生共鸣，但博弈经济学文献中理论的讨价还价理论的政治偏见具有更大的解释力和相关性。
{"title":"A Bargaining Theory of Malevolence: The 2019 Pulwama War","authors":"Usman W. Chohan","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3392637","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3392637","url":null,"abstract":"Economic theorizations of malevolence as laid out in Bargaining Theory (Anderton and Carter 2009) have discussed how grievances over perceived injustices can alter the utility functions, settlement net resources, and therefore the propensity and calculus of war between two nations. To put this assertion to the test, this working paper examines the Pulwama War and the India-Pakistan standoff of 2019 from a malevolence perspective. It also contrasts this with political bias in bargaining theory (Chohan 2019) in the same case study. The findings of the working paper indicate that the Indian government’s expediency of war may resonate with a malevolence perspective, but the political bias of bargaining theory, as theorized in the game-theoretic economic literature, has greater explanatory power and relevance.","PeriodicalId":258423,"journal":{"name":"AARN: Theorizing Politics & Power (Political) (Topic)","volume":"16 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-05-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132622994","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
German Abstract: Die soziale Netzwerktheorie entwickelt konzeptionelle Begriffe und Modelle, mit denen die Gesellschaft im Sinne der Gesellschaftstheorie naher untersucht werden kann. Einige prominente Autoren innerhalb der Netzwerktheorie sprechen bereits von einer »Netzwerkgesellschaft« (vgl. Fuhse Arendt 2016: 13). Schlieslich leben wir in einer »small world« – so die Argumentation –, »in der angeblich jede mit jedem uber hochstens sechs Zwischenschritte in personlichen Beziehungen verbunden ist« (ebd.: 13). Eine der wichtigsten Arbeiten zur Untersuchung relationaler Beziehungen zwischen der Mikro- (»Der Mensch als soziales Wesen«) und Makroebene (»(welt-)gesellschaftlichen Gegebenheiten«) ist Mark Granovetters Aufsatz »The Strength of Weak Ties« (1973). English Abstract: Social Network Theory has developed conceptual notions and models with which society can be analysed from the view point of social theory. Some prominent authors within the Network Theory community already talk about a "Network Society" (cf. Fuhse Arendt 2016: 13). After all, we live in a "small word" -- so they say --, "in which everyone is allegedly connected to everyone else via personal relationships through six steps at most" (ibid.). One of the most important works that analyses personal relationships between the micro ("Man as a social being") and macro level ("(global) societal circumstances) is Mark Granovetter's paper "The Strength of Weak Ties" (1973).
德语抽象理论:社会网络理论制定出概念概念和模型，以便按照社会主义理论的方向审视社会。内部的一些著名作家Netzwerktheorie已经说这是灾难的»Netzwerkgesellschaft«. (冯阿伦特2016:13)Schlieslich我们生活在一个世界小得»«»,观点认为——据说每认为uber所有价值6伴生«personlichen关系(同上,《..: 13)一个relationaler调查主要工作的关系»道人当做社交的小微«)和宏观社会情况«»(世界))是马克Granovetters文章»The Strength of Weak Ties«(1973).英语抽象:社会网络理论一直是所有事物的都来分析社会理论的论据和模式。一些著名的网络理论团体发言变成了“网络学会”(法语、冯德伦特2016年:13)。他们说:“我们都在”“简要地交谈”，而“每个人都可以通过个人关系亲密无间地坐在右边六号缝线上”。(ibid)《人是社会构成”和《宏观经济关系》(标题)是马克·格罗伯特的论文《众所周知的实力》(1973年)。
{"title":"Der Netzwerkansatz bei Granovetter und seine Rezeption (The Network Approach by Granovetter and Its Reception)","authors":"Eduard Buzila","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3293283","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3293283","url":null,"abstract":"German Abstract: Die soziale Netzwerktheorie entwickelt konzeptionelle Begriffe und Modelle, mit denen die Gesellschaft im Sinne der Gesellschaftstheorie naher untersucht werden kann. Einige prominente Autoren innerhalb der Netzwerktheorie sprechen bereits von einer »Netzwerkgesellschaft« (vgl. Fuhse Arendt 2016: 13). Schlieslich leben wir in einer »small world« – so die Argumentation –, »in der angeblich jede mit jedem uber hochstens sechs Zwischenschritte in personlichen Beziehungen verbunden ist« (ebd.: 13). Eine der wichtigsten Arbeiten zur Untersuchung relationaler Beziehungen zwischen der Mikro- (»Der Mensch als soziales Wesen«) und Makroebene (»(welt-)gesellschaftlichen Gegebenheiten«) ist Mark Granovetters Aufsatz »The Strength of Weak Ties« (1973). \u0000 \u0000English Abstract: Social Network Theory has developed conceptual notions and models with which society can be analysed from the view point of social theory. Some prominent authors within the Network Theory community already talk about a \"Network Society\" (cf. Fuhse Arendt 2016: 13). After all, we live in a \"small word\" -- so they say --, \"in which everyone is allegedly connected to everyone else via personal relationships through six steps at most\" (ibid.). One of the most important works that analyses personal relationships between the micro (\"Man as a social being\") and macro level (\"(global) societal circumstances) is Mark Granovetter's paper \"The Strength of Weak Ties\" (1973).","PeriodicalId":258423,"journal":{"name":"AARN: Theorizing Politics & Power (Political) (Topic)","volume":"54 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-11-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134399387","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-10-11DOI: 10.18601/16577558.N28.02
Beatrice Benocci
Después del colapso soviético, fuimos testigos del fin de la idea de una división del mundoentre el bien y el mal, entre capitalistas y partidarios de la economía planificada, entre la derecha y la izquierda, entre procomunistas y proamericanos; y de nuevo desapareció la necesidad de tantos países emergentes de definirse como un “tercer bloque” frente al sistema bipolar. La idea económica de un primer, segundo y tercer mundo podría haberse considerado superada. El mundo se vio obligado a releerse a sí mismo y a comprender que era necesario empezar a pensar en las relaciones internacionales de una manera completamente diferente.
{"title":"A Twenty-Five Year Transition. The Forms of Power and the Alleged Crisis of the Nation-State in the Contemporary Age","authors":"Beatrice Benocci","doi":"10.18601/16577558.N28.02","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18601/16577558.N28.02","url":null,"abstract":"Después del colapso soviético, fuimos testigos del fin de la idea de una división del mundoentre el bien y el mal, entre capitalistas y partidarios de la economía planificada, entre la derecha y la izquierda, entre procomunistas y proamericanos; y de nuevo desapareció la necesidad de tantos países emergentes de definirse como un “tercer bloque” frente al sistema bipolar. La idea económica de un primer, segundo y tercer mundo podría haberse considerado superada. El mundo se vio obligado a releerse a sí mismo y a comprender que era necesario empezar a pensar en las relaciones internacionales de una manera completamente diferente.","PeriodicalId":258423,"journal":{"name":"AARN: Theorizing Politics & Power (Political) (Topic)","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-10-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125855155","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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