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What Snowflakes Get Right最新文献

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Speech on Campus 校园演讲
Pub Date : 2019-12-05 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780190054199.003.0007
U. Baer
How can we find rules that respect the university’s commitment to academic freedom while creating an environment where everyone can contribute to teaching and research in truly equal ways? A first step is to recognize that the campus controversies are not about offended feelings but about truth and equality in our democracy. A second step is not to overplay these controversies but realize the speakers are turned down routinely who lack qualifications or standing. The line can be drawn at speech that denies the humanity of some groups because it is non-scientific and advocates illegal actions under our nation’s laws.
我们如何才能找到既尊重大学对学术自由的承诺,又能创造一个人人都能以真正平等的方式为教学和研究做出贡献的环境的规则?第一步是认识到校园争议不是关于冒犯的感觉,而是关于我们民主中的真理和平等。第二步是不要夸大这些争议,但要意识到,缺乏资格或地位的演讲者通常会被拒绝。否认某些群体的人性的言论可以划清界限,因为它是不科学的,并且主张在我们国家的法律下采取非法行动。
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引用次数: 4
A Slippery Slope, or Who Is to Draw the Line? 滑坡,还是谁来划清界限?
Pub Date : 2019-12-05 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780190054199.003.0006
U. Baer
Is there reason to fear that any regulation of speech, which our laws have always recognized, will lead to the suppression of voices we currently like? Is the cost of having free speech the toleration of hate speech? This chapter relies on leading legal scholars to show that the slippery slope is not an argument, and that invoking it serves to shut down productive debate rather than identify a genuine risk. It is not only possible but necessary to draw a line regarding hate speech, and it is possible to define such speech.
我们有理由担心,我们的法律一直认可的对言论的任何监管,会导致我们目前喜欢的声音受到压制吗?言论自由的代价是容忍仇恨言论吗?本章依靠主要的法律学者来证明滑坡效应不是一个论点,并且引用它是为了关闭富有成效的辩论,而不是识别真正的风险。对仇恨言论划清界限不仅是可能的,而且是必要的,对这种言论进行定义是可能的。
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引用次数: 0
Free Speech Is Rooted in Equality 言论自由植根于平等
Pub Date : 2019-12-05 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780190054199.003.0003
U. Baer
This chapter places Frederick Douglass in the pantheon of America’s Founding Fathers because the orator, statesman, and former slave exercised his natural right to free speech without waiting for the courts or legislator to grant this right to him. Douglass argues that disputing the humanity of an interlocutor does not qualify as speech as intended by the First Amendment. The chapter shifts the focus from free speech as American democracy’s bedrock principle to the equally critical and inalienable principle of equality. The discussion includes the concept that free speech must be rooted in equality, poses the question of whether free speech depends on one’s legal status, and reaffirms that inherent humanity is not up for debate.
本章将弗雷德里克·道格拉斯列入美国开国元勋之列,因为这位演说家、政治家和前奴隶行使了言论自由的自然权利,而无需等待法院或立法者授予他这项权利。道格拉斯认为,对对话者的人性提出质疑并不符合第一修正案所要求的言论。这一章将焦点从作为美国民主基石的言论自由转移到同等重要且不可剥夺的平等原则。讨论包括言论自由必须植根于平等的概念,提出了言论自由是否取决于一个人的法律地位的问题,并重申固有的人性不容争辩。
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引用次数: 0
Free Speech and the University 言论自由与大学
Pub Date : 2019-12-05 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780190054199.003.0001
U. Baer
This first chapter identifies two problems with free speech in the college context. First, free speech creates a conflict when it interferes with the equality guarantees legally mandated for higher education. Second, free speech controversies undermine the university’s role as an arbiter of truth in society. When viewed in relation to equality and truth, the issues surrounding free speech take on larger significance. They signal a crisis for democracy not by prohibiting hate speech but by eroding the university’s purpose of making decisions over what merits debate and what is considered settled and widely accepted truth.
第一章确定了大学背景下言论自由的两个问题。首先,当言论自由干扰了高等教育法律规定的平等保障时,它就会产生冲突。其次,言论自由争议削弱了大学作为社会真理仲裁者的角色。从平等和真理的角度来看,围绕言论自由的问题具有更大的意义。它们标志着民主的危机,不是因为禁止仇恨言论,而是因为它们侵蚀了大学的宗旨,即决定哪些值得辩论,哪些是公认的、被广泛接受的真理。
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引用次数: 0
From Skokie to Charlottesville 从斯科基到夏洛茨维尔
Pub Date : 2019-12-05 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780190054199.003.0002
U. Baer
This chapter argues that the events in Charlottesville, Virginia, in summer 2017, present a watershed moment when the general public realized that free speech can become weaponized to undercut discourse and destroy the social order. At a widely publicized event in 1977, a small group of neo-Nazis won the right, in a court decision, to march in a small town in Illinois. That legal decision set the cultural and legal precedent for the mainstream attitude toward hate speech for several decades. Critically, that legal decision was matched by public condemnations of anti-Semitism and racism by political figures all the way up to the US president. When a group of white supremacists and neo-Nazis marched in Charlottesville in the summer of 2017 and murdered or come to demonstrate a, the US president failed to unequivocally condemn these events. The chapter examines the assumption that tolerating hate speech does not mean condoning it in light of these two events.
本章认为,2017年夏天发生在弗吉尼亚州夏洛茨维尔的事件是一个分水岭,公众意识到言论自由可以成为削弱话语和破坏社会秩序的武器。1977年,在一次广为宣传的活动中,一小群新纳粹分子在法庭裁决中赢得了在伊利诺伊州一个小镇游行的权利。这一法律裁决为几十年来主流对待仇恨言论的态度树立了文化和法律先例。关键的是,这一法律决定得到了政治人物(上至美国总统)对反犹太主义和种族主义的公开谴责。2017年夏天,当一群白人至上主义者和新纳粹分子在夏洛茨维尔(Charlottesville)游行、谋杀或示威时,美国总统没有明确谴责这些事件。鉴于这两起事件,本章考察了容忍仇恨言论并不意味着宽恕它的假设。
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引用次数: 0
What “Snowflakes” Get Right About Free Speech “雪花”对言论自由的看法是正确的
Pub Date : 2019-12-05 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780190054199.003.0004
U. Baer
How do we balance the university’s fundamental commitments to freedom of expression and to equality? With the help of philosophy, political science, legal scholarship, and common sense, it is possible to draw a bright line around ideas that do not merit further debate. These ideas suggest that some people are inherently inferior human beings. It is not necessary to include arguments about such pseudo-science in universities to maintain freedom of academic research. The student protesters who object to such speakers correctly point out that the standing and participation of minority students, faculty, and staff in the university are not just desirable and beneficial for the advancement of knowledge, but also legally mandated. The chapter concludes that the advocacy of white supremacy and its response in protest movements constitute the fundamental question facing our democracy today.
我们如何平衡大学对言论自由和平等的基本承诺?在哲学、政治科学、法律学术和常识的帮助下,有可能在不值得进一步辩论的想法周围划出一条明线。这些观点表明,有些人天生就是劣等人。为了维护学术研究的自由,没有必要在大学里包括关于这种伪科学的争论。反对这些演讲者的学生抗议者正确地指出,少数民族学生、教职员工在大学的地位和参与不仅有利于知识的进步,而且是法律规定的。这一章的结论是,白人至上主义的倡导及其在抗议运动中的反应构成了我们今天民主面临的根本问题。
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引用次数: 2
An Unholy Alliance 邪恶联盟
Pub Date : 2019-10-24 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780190054199.003.0005
U. Baer
Why do conservatives and progressives often join forces to defend an absolute notion of free speech, when they fundamentally disagree on many other points? This chapter traces the political concept of free speech back to its origins in philosophy, political science, and commonsensical self-understanding. It shows that conservatives mean something quite different when they talk about free speech from the concept used by progressives, and that the surface agreement can lead to political alliances that do not last. The discussion includes the relativism at the heart of free speech absolutism, the risks of suppressing hate, the concept of self-governance as a limit to bad ideas, and the progressive case for unrestricted speech.
为什么保守派和进步派经常联合起来捍卫言论自由的绝对概念,而他们在许多其他问题上存在根本分歧?本章将言论自由的政治概念追溯至其哲学、政治学和常识性自我理解的起源。这表明,当保守派谈论言论自由时,他们的意思与进步派所使用的概念完全不同,表面上的一致可能导致无法持久的政治联盟。讨论内容包括言论自由专制主义核心的相对主义、压制仇恨的风险、限制坏思想的自治概念,以及不受限制言论的进步案例。
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引用次数: 0
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What Snowflakes Get Right
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