A lot of arguments support the view that the so-called Republic of Kosovo represents a model of a state that is based on violence, injustice, imposition and the absence of any idea of compromise. The national arrogance and aggressive ideas of Greater Albania, as well as the megalomaniac, violent and undemocratic character of the actions of the interim authorities in Prishtina, represent a real danger for further dissolution of the Balkans, which is why this area is perceived as an area of unfinished conflicts. From the point of view of accomplishing national interests, Kosovo and Metohija represents the greatest security challenge for the Republic of Serbia. The danger of further collapsing and diminishing the Serbian ethnic space, especially of changing the original Serbian character of the southern Serbian province and threatening the identity heritage of the Serbian nation represent particularly dangerous trends in the conflictual character of relations between Serbs and Albanians. The importance of Kosovo and Metohija and the severity and complexity of the problem that the southern Serbian province faces emphasize the necessity of defining a long-term strategy for its solution. With its content, it has to be a clear expression of conceptual readiness for solving the complex Kosovo-Metohija problem. At the basis of such a strategy, which is the starting hypothesis of this paper, is the necessity of redefining the relationship between the Serbian and Albanian nation and stopping the inertia of centuries-old mistrust and animosity between them. The stated position, which has a strategic character, is the cornerstone of the security stabilization and reintegration of Kosovo and Metohija. The main methodological procedures of the research process in this paper are comparative historical method and the method of document content analysisthe case study method, comparative analysis method and historical method.
{"title":"The redefinition of the relationship between the Serbian and Albanian nation: The basis of the security consolidation of Kosovo and Metohija","authors":"S. Stojanović","doi":"10.5937/vojdelo2203099s","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5937/vojdelo2203099s","url":null,"abstract":"A lot of arguments support the view that the so-called Republic of Kosovo represents a model of a state that is based on violence, injustice, imposition and the absence of any idea of compromise. The national arrogance and aggressive ideas of Greater Albania, as well as the megalomaniac, violent and undemocratic character of the actions of the interim authorities in Prishtina, represent a real danger for further dissolution of the Balkans, which is why this area is perceived as an area of unfinished conflicts. From the point of view of accomplishing national interests, Kosovo and Metohija represents the greatest security challenge for the Republic of Serbia. The danger of further collapsing and diminishing the Serbian ethnic space, especially of changing the original Serbian character of the southern Serbian province and threatening the identity heritage of the Serbian nation represent particularly dangerous trends in the conflictual character of relations between Serbs and Albanians. The importance of Kosovo and Metohija and the severity and complexity of the problem that the southern Serbian province faces emphasize the necessity of defining a long-term strategy for its solution. With its content, it has to be a clear expression of conceptual readiness for solving the complex Kosovo-Metohija problem. At the basis of such a strategy, which is the starting hypothesis of this paper, is the necessity of redefining the relationship between the Serbian and Albanian nation and stopping the inertia of centuries-old mistrust and animosity between them. The stated position, which has a strategic character, is the cornerstone of the security stabilization and reintegration of Kosovo and Metohija. The main methodological procedures of the research process in this paper are comparative historical method and the method of document content analysisthe case study method, comparative analysis method and historical method.","PeriodicalId":261517,"journal":{"name":"Vojno delo","volume":"56 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125112410","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
New security challenges in the second decade of the twenty-first century and their materialization through various forms of hybrid warfare have had an impact on the emergence of ideas of strengthening state capacities for defence and security. One of these ideas is related to the manning of the armed forces. The paper presents models of selective military service that are successfully implemented in several European countries, which have similar demographic potential as Serbia. The main characteristic of these models of selective recruitment is the selection of only those persons who are interested in completing their military service voluntarily. Thus, the high motivation of future soldiers has been provided, and the consequences that would result from forcing those who do not want to do their military service have been forestalled. Models of manning in several neutral European countries and Israel have also been presented in order to gain a comparative insight. Foreign experiences have been summarised in the form of guidelines for a possible concept of a model of selective military service, which would meet the existing limitations and improve opportunities for a greater number of motivated persons, given the problematic possibility of mechanical reintroduction of the old model of conscription. The objective of this paper is to consider the possibilities of implementing foreign experiences in the process of creating an optimal solution, while respecting limiting factors in order to provide a highly motivated human factor for manning the armed forces.
{"title":"Models of selective military service in modern conditions","authors":"N. Nikolić","doi":"10.5937/vojdelo2104001n","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5937/vojdelo2104001n","url":null,"abstract":"New security challenges in the second decade of the twenty-first century and their materialization through various forms of hybrid warfare have had an impact on the emergence of ideas of strengthening state capacities for defence and security. One of these ideas is related to the manning of the armed forces. The paper presents models of selective military service that are successfully implemented in several European countries, which have similar demographic potential as Serbia. The main characteristic of these models of selective recruitment is the selection of only those persons who are interested in completing their military service voluntarily. Thus, the high motivation of future soldiers has been provided, and the consequences that would result from forcing those who do not want to do their military service have been forestalled. Models of manning in several neutral European countries and Israel have also been presented in order to gain a comparative insight. Foreign experiences have been summarised in the form of guidelines for a possible concept of a model of selective military service, which would meet the existing limitations and improve opportunities for a greater number of motivated persons, given the problematic possibility of mechanical reintroduction of the old model of conscription. The objective of this paper is to consider the possibilities of implementing foreign experiences in the process of creating an optimal solution, while respecting limiting factors in order to provide a highly motivated human factor for manning the armed forces.","PeriodicalId":261517,"journal":{"name":"Vojno delo","volume":"27 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125482857","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Proces sekularizacije je ucinio da klasicna religioznost izgubi tradicionalno dominantnu poziciju. Cini se da tu poziciju polako preuzimaju razliciti oblici svetovne religioznosti. Personalizovana religioznost se ne vezuje striktno za religioznost u klasicnom smislu. Ovu dimenziju religioznosti operacionalizujemo kroz sledece aspekte: verovanje u licnog Boga/duha/životnu silu, unutrasnja duhovnost, zainteresovanost za sveto/natprirodno, nalaženje utehe u veri, molitva i/ili meditacija. Militaristicka politicka kultura je oblik politicke kulture koji pociva na vojnoj vlasti. Preferencijal u odnosu militaristicki tip politicke kulture operacionalno merimo posredstvom cetvorostepene skale - "dobar", "veoma dobar", "los", "veoma los". Podaci koje smo koristili su iz Evropskog istraživanja vrednosti (European Value Study). To je komparativno kros-nacionalno i longitudinalno istraživanje koje se po jedinstvenoj metodologiji sprovodi u citavoj Evropi i to na svakih deset godina. Prvo ovakvo istraživanje je sprovedeno 1981. godine, a poslednje istraživanje je realizovano 2008/2009 godine. Srbija je ukljucena tek u poslednjem talasu istraživanja. Rezultati regresione analize ukazuju da je militaristicka politicka kultura pozitivan prediktor personalizovane religioznosti. Ovaj nalaz nas upucuje na to da postoji jaka veza između duhovnosti i vojne vlasti.
{"title":"The relation of personalized religiosity and militaristic political culture among the citizens of the Republic of Serbia","authors":"Andrijana Maksimović, Z. Milosavljević","doi":"10.5937/vojdelo1901164m","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5937/vojdelo1901164m","url":null,"abstract":"Proces sekularizacije je ucinio da klasicna religioznost izgubi tradicionalno dominantnu poziciju. Cini se da tu poziciju polako preuzimaju razliciti oblici svetovne religioznosti. Personalizovana religioznost se ne vezuje striktno za religioznost u klasicnom smislu. Ovu dimenziju religioznosti operacionalizujemo kroz sledece aspekte: verovanje u licnog Boga/duha/životnu silu, unutrasnja duhovnost, zainteresovanost za sveto/natprirodno, nalaženje utehe u veri, molitva i/ili meditacija. Militaristicka politicka kultura je oblik politicke kulture koji pociva na vojnoj vlasti. Preferencijal u odnosu militaristicki tip politicke kulture operacionalno merimo posredstvom cetvorostepene skale - \"dobar\", \"veoma dobar\", \"los\", \"veoma los\". Podaci koje smo koristili su iz Evropskog istraživanja vrednosti (European Value Study). To je komparativno kros-nacionalno i longitudinalno istraživanje koje se po jedinstvenoj metodologiji sprovodi u citavoj Evropi i to na svakih deset godina. Prvo ovakvo istraživanje je sprovedeno 1981. godine, a poslednje istraživanje je realizovano 2008/2009 godine. Srbija je ukljucena tek u poslednjem talasu istraživanja. Rezultati regresione analize ukazuju da je militaristicka politicka kultura pozitivan prediktor personalizovane religioznosti. Ovaj nalaz nas upucuje na to da postoji jaka veza između duhovnosti i vojne vlasti.","PeriodicalId":261517,"journal":{"name":"Vojno delo","volume":"52 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127568780","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Crisis situations of the last decades occupy a significant place due to the consequences they create (expressed in losses that amount to hundreds of human lives and enormous amounts of money). Management in such crisis situations is conditioned by a large number of factors that need to be analyzed in detail during the preparation for prospective (expected) future crises. A possible way of reducing the consequences is the preparation of command management staff for such situations. Preparations based on the application of modern technologies (remote and simulation software) significantly result in better training of command structures for response and handling crisis situations. The required quality is achieved through the application of the distance learning platform, where individuals choose the time and place of learning, which creates the conditions for more focused and higher - quality training on simulation software. The Janus simulation software has been used in this paper. It enables training people (through different scenarios) to respond in different situations. An unlimited number of repetitions of different or the same scenarios allow people to train to respond to an unlimited number of different situations.
{"title":"Training of command staff for the use of units in crisis situations based on the application of modern technology","authors":"A. Milic, Aca Ranđelović, Saša Devetak","doi":"10.5937/vojdelo1905026m","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5937/vojdelo1905026m","url":null,"abstract":"Crisis situations of the last decades occupy a significant place due to the consequences they create (expressed in losses that amount to hundreds of human lives and enormous amounts of money). Management in such crisis situations is conditioned by a large number of factors that need to be analyzed in detail during the preparation for prospective (expected) future crises. A possible way of reducing the consequences is the preparation of command management staff for such situations. Preparations based on the application of modern technologies (remote and simulation software) significantly result in better training of command structures for response and handling crisis situations. The required quality is achieved through the application of the distance learning platform, where individuals choose the time and place of learning, which creates the conditions for more focused and higher - quality training on simulation software. The Janus simulation software has been used in this paper. It enables training people (through different scenarios) to respond in different situations. An unlimited number of repetitions of different or the same scenarios allow people to train to respond to an unlimited number of different situations.","PeriodicalId":261517,"journal":{"name":"Vojno delo","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129035634","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Ovaj rad je pokusaj autora da podseti strukture države i naucnu javnost na ulogu i znacaj obavestajnih službi u izgradnji kapaciteta bezbednosti demokratske države. Rad obavestajnih službi ne može uvek biti dostupan javnosti, njihov rad je u vecini tajan, neprekidan, metode specificne i nedostupne javnosti, i jedino takvim nacinom rada mogu doprineti izgradnji bezbednosne funkcije države, ali njihov rad mora kontrolisati parlament i vlada kako bi se izbegle mnoge negativnosti koje su u proslosti karakterisale rad obavestajnih službi. Savremeni obavestajno-bezbednosni sistem, u skladu sa definisanim nacionalnim interesima i spoljnopolitickim prioritetima, svoje postojanje i rad temelje na: strategijama nacionalne bezbednosti, zakonima o nacionalnoj bezbednosti, maticnim zakonima pojedinih obavestajnih ustanova koji bliže preciziraju delokrug rada, unutrasnju organizaciju, i metode rada službi, kao i sredstva i mere koje službe koriste.
这套丛书是作者试图向国家机构和公众宣传公共服务在建设安全民主国家能力中的作用和角色。Rad obavestajnih službi ne može uvek biti dostupan javnosti, ich rad je u vecini tajan, neprekidan, metode specificne i nedostupne javnosti, i jedino takvim nacinom rada mogu doprineti buildanju bezbednosne funkce države, vai ich rad musí kontrolisati parlament i vlada kako bi izbegle wielu Negnosti koje su u proslosti karakterisale rad obavestajnih službi.当前的安全保障体系，根据确定的国家利益和政治优先事项，其立场和活动的基础是：国家安全战略、国家安全法律、其他安全机构的母法，这些法律更密切地体现了国家安全战略、国家安全组织和国家安全政策。
{"title":"Uloga obaveštajnih službi u izgradnji bezbednosne funkcije države","authors":"Radoslav Gaćinović","doi":"10.5937/vojdelo1902069g","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5937/vojdelo1902069g","url":null,"abstract":"Ovaj rad je pokusaj autora da podseti strukture države i naucnu javnost na ulogu i znacaj obavestajnih službi u izgradnji kapaciteta bezbednosti demokratske države. Rad obavestajnih službi ne može uvek biti dostupan javnosti, njihov rad je u vecini tajan, neprekidan, metode specificne i nedostupne javnosti, i jedino takvim nacinom rada mogu doprineti izgradnji bezbednosne funkcije države, ali njihov rad mora kontrolisati parlament i vlada kako bi se izbegle mnoge negativnosti koje su u proslosti karakterisale rad obavestajnih službi. Savremeni obavestajno-bezbednosni sistem, u skladu sa definisanim nacionalnim interesima i spoljnopolitickim prioritetima, svoje postojanje i rad temelje na: strategijama nacionalne bezbednosti, zakonima o nacionalnoj bezbednosti, maticnim zakonima pojedinih obavestajnih ustanova koji bliže preciziraju delokrug rada, unutrasnju organizaciju, i metode rada službi, kao i sredstva i mere koje službe koriste.","PeriodicalId":261517,"journal":{"name":"Vojno delo","volume":"30 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130376916","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The attitude of political system, and in a broader sense of political community, towards the military is largely defined by the understanding of the role and purpose that the military has in a society. The lack of the understanding of the true purpose of the military often leads to inadequate evaluation of this institution, both in political system and by general public. The objective of this paper is to define peace as the purpose of the military, which will enable a proper understanding of its vital political role as a necessary framework and preconditions for the existence and functioning of all other institutions in the society. The paper analyzes the perception of the role of the military institution and its members and offers an alternative definition of its function and purpose, which facilitates correct insight into the role of the military in the society and depicts its essential nature. An intuitive understanding of the role of the military, through misinterpretation of instrument (war) as the purpose itself, reduces its purpose to war, and thus determines the attitude of the lay political public towards this institution and its members. Therefore, it is necessary to offer an adequate answer to the question: why the purpose of the military is actually peace and not war, what kind of peace it is, and by which functions this institution fulfills its role. It is concluded that the military exercises the defined purpose of "good" peace in two ways - in peace by preserving it through the function of deterrence, and in war by establishing it as quickly as possible through victory.
{"title":"Peace as the purpose of the military","authors":"Dragan Stanar","doi":"10.5937/vojdelo2103036s","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5937/vojdelo2103036s","url":null,"abstract":"The attitude of political system, and in a broader sense of political community, towards the military is largely defined by the understanding of the role and purpose that the military has in a society. The lack of the understanding of the true purpose of the military often leads to inadequate evaluation of this institution, both in political system and by general public. The objective of this paper is to define peace as the purpose of the military, which will enable a proper understanding of its vital political role as a necessary framework and preconditions for the existence and functioning of all other institutions in the society. The paper analyzes the perception of the role of the military institution and its members and offers an alternative definition of its function and purpose, which facilitates correct insight into the role of the military in the society and depicts its essential nature. An intuitive understanding of the role of the military, through misinterpretation of instrument (war) as the purpose itself, reduces its purpose to war, and thus determines the attitude of the lay political public towards this institution and its members. Therefore, it is necessary to offer an adequate answer to the question: why the purpose of the military is actually peace and not war, what kind of peace it is, and by which functions this institution fulfills its role. It is concluded that the military exercises the defined purpose of \"good\" peace in two ways - in peace by preserving it through the function of deterrence, and in war by establishing it as quickly as possible through victory.","PeriodicalId":261517,"journal":{"name":"Vojno delo","volume":"03 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130504847","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Mera oduzimanja imovine proistekle iz krivicnog dela uvedena je posebnim zakonom i njena primena je propracena normativnom i institucionalnom podrskom kao obezbeđenje njenog opstajanja u savremenom sistemu krivicnih mera i sankcija. Bez obzira na sada vec visegodisnju primenu posebne mere, neopravdano je izostala ozbiljnija i obimnija teorijsko-pravna argumentacija njenih sustinskih karakteristika, njenog mesta u okviru krivicnopravnog sistema, kao i pitanja njene pravne prirode. Cilj rada jeste da pruži odgovor na pitanje njene pravne prirode, adekvatnu argumentaciju za takav odgovor, a koja ujedno opisuje njene sustinske karakteristike. Takvim prikazom nastoji se s jedne strane otklanjanju nedoumice koje su kod postojanja i primene posebne mere prisutne, kako zbog terminoloskih zabuna, tako i zbog nedovoljne istraženosti njenih specificnosti, a sa druge određivanju mesta koje joj, bez obzira na to sto nije obuhvacena odredbama KZ-a, njoj nesporno, ali i de facto pripada.
通过专门法律引入了刑事工作中的财产损失措施，并以规范和制度的方式对其应用进行了详细说明，以避免在现代刑事措施和制裁体系中使用该措施。Bez obzira na sada vec visegodisnju primenu posebnih measureu, neopravdano je izostala ozbiljnija i obimnija teorijno-pravna argumentacji jej sustinskih karakteristika, jejog mesta u rámci krivicnopravnog sistema, kao i pitanja jej juridical prirode.因此，在法律上的优先权、对诉讼的论证，以及对法律依据的选择上，我们都有责任。在此背景下，我们可以看到，在法律术语和具体法律规定的基础上，我们对 KZ-a、Njoj nesporno、ali i de facto pripada 进行了论证。
{"title":"Pravna priroda mere oduzimanja imovine proistekle iz krivičnog dela","authors":"Jelena Gluščević, Dragan Radoman","doi":"10.5937/vojdelo1903133g","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5937/vojdelo1903133g","url":null,"abstract":"Mera oduzimanja imovine proistekle iz krivicnog dela uvedena je posebnim zakonom i njena primena je propracena normativnom i institucionalnom podrskom kao obezbeđenje njenog opstajanja u savremenom sistemu krivicnih mera i sankcija. Bez obzira na sada vec visegodisnju primenu posebne mere, neopravdano je izostala ozbiljnija i obimnija teorijsko-pravna argumentacija njenih sustinskih karakteristika, njenog mesta u okviru krivicnopravnog sistema, kao i pitanja njene pravne prirode. Cilj rada jeste da pruži odgovor na pitanje njene pravne prirode, adekvatnu argumentaciju za takav odgovor, a koja ujedno opisuje njene sustinske karakteristike. Takvim prikazom nastoji se s jedne strane otklanjanju nedoumice koje su kod postojanja i primene posebne mere prisutne, kako zbog terminoloskih zabuna, tako i zbog nedovoljne istraženosti njenih specificnosti, a sa druge određivanju mesta koje joj, bez obzira na to sto nije obuhvacena odredbama KZ-a, njoj nesporno, ali i de facto pripada.","PeriodicalId":261517,"journal":{"name":"Vojno delo","volume":"9 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131214339","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Historically viewed, religion has had a role to overcome social conflicts and promote peace among opposing parties. However, it has often known to transform into the role of a direct or indirect cause of some form of violence. Therefore, the subject of the research in this paper is the correlation of social conflicts and religious determinants as their causes, among which the manipulation of religious feelings has a special place. The central topic of the paper is the manipulation of religious feelings, i.e. the methods and techniques used by these subjects to recruit new soldiers of religiosity, with the ultimate goal of gaining supremacy by force over the opposing party, in this case religion. Accordingly, such relations have been analysed in the Federal Republic of Nigeria, where, in addition to Christianity and Islam, as two dominant religions, there are several other local religions that together, for decades, have been in an open conflict for supremacy. In this regard, the consideration of the historical context of this type of conflict in Nigeria should indicate the main motives in its background, goals to be achieved in this manner, as well as answers to the question of whether believers, who, according to the postulates of both religions, should always be on the path of peace, in fact are abused through individual or systemic manipulation.
{"title":"The manipulation of religious feelings as a determinant of social conflicts: A case study of Nigeria","authors":"Nemanja Stevanović","doi":"10.5937/vojdelo2201016s","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5937/vojdelo2201016s","url":null,"abstract":"Historically viewed, religion has had a role to overcome social conflicts and promote peace among opposing parties. However, it has often known to transform into the role of a direct or indirect cause of some form of violence. Therefore, the subject of the research in this paper is the correlation of social conflicts and religious determinants as their causes, among which the manipulation of religious feelings has a special place. The central topic of the paper is the manipulation of religious feelings, i.e. the methods and techniques used by these subjects to recruit new soldiers of religiosity, with the ultimate goal of gaining supremacy by force over the opposing party, in this case religion. Accordingly, such relations have been analysed in the Federal Republic of Nigeria, where, in addition to Christianity and Islam, as two dominant religions, there are several other local religions that together, for decades, have been in an open conflict for supremacy. In this regard, the consideration of the historical context of this type of conflict in Nigeria should indicate the main motives in its background, goals to be achieved in this manner, as well as answers to the question of whether believers, who, according to the postulates of both religions, should always be on the path of peace, in fact are abused through individual or systemic manipulation.","PeriodicalId":261517,"journal":{"name":"Vojno delo","volume":"81 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128164639","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Uporedna analiza strategija nacionalne bezbednosti Republike Srbije i Republike Hrvatske","authors":"Radovan Miladinović, Hatidža Beriša","doi":"10.5937/vojdelo1907114m","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5937/vojdelo1907114m","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":261517,"journal":{"name":"Vojno delo","volume":"11 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131868478","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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