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Why Ukraine Needs an International - Not Internationalised - Tribunal to Prosecute the Crimes of Aggression Committed Against It 为什么乌克兰需要一个国际法庭(而非国际化法庭)来起诉对其犯下的侵略罪行?
Pub Date : 2024-02-13 DOI: 10.21697/2023.12.2.03
Carrie McDougall
Ukraine has called for the establishment of an ad hoc tribunal to investigate and prosecute crimes of aggression committed against it in the context of the Russian invasion. Ukraine has insisted that such a tribunal must be international in nature. Members of the G7, however, have stated that they can only support an “internationalised” or hybrid tribunal embedded in Ukraine’s domestic legal system. This article considers the critiques advanced against the international tribunal model and contends that many of these arguments are flawed, while arguments in favour of the internationalised model are misplaced or overstated. In addition to other advantages, it is demonstrated that an international tribunal: could be set up more quickly; would have a greater prospect of ensuring immunities do not apply; and would be more effective in reinforcing the prohibition of the use of force, thereby maximising the potential of deterrence. For these reasons it is concluded that an international tribunal is the best option for ensuring that those most responsible for crimes of aggression committed against Ukraine are held to account.
乌克兰呼吁设立一个特设法庭,调查和起诉俄罗斯入侵乌克兰时对其犯下的侵略罪行。乌克兰坚持认为,这样的法庭必须是国际性的。然而,七国集团成员却表示,他们只能支持 "国际化 "或嵌入乌克兰国内法律体系的混合法庭。本文探讨了针对国际法庭模式提出的批评意见,认为其中许多论点存在缺陷,而支持国际化模式的论点则有失偏颇或言过其实。除其他优点外,文章还证明国际法庭可以:更快地建立;更有可能确保豁免权不适用;更有效地加强禁止使用武力,从而最大限度地发挥威慑潜力。出于这些原因,我们得出结论,国际法庭是确保追究对乌克兰所犯侵略罪行负最大责任者责任的最佳选择。
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引用次数: 0
“Commited by Men”: Individual Criminal Responsibility for Aggression Against Ukraine "人犯":侵略乌克兰的个人刑事责任
Pub Date : 2024-02-13 DOI: 10.21697/2023.12.2.04
G. Bogush
The article deals with the personal scope of criminal responsibility for the crime of aggression against Ukraine. While the Kampala amendments to the Statute of the International Criminal Court have further strengthened the crime of aggression’s leadership character, they have also limited the possibility of holding individuals accountable as accomplices. Nonetheless, this article posits that there are still avenues within the current legal framework to bring key individuals involved in the aggression against Ukraine to justice. It examines different factions within the Russian leadership and the leaders of Belarus and also explores the possibility of bringing Russian propagandists to account. The article advocates for a careful selection policy that balances international and domestic systems better to serve the cause of accountability. Pursuing investigations and prosecutions against these groups should result in an outcome that re#ects the extent of the criminality of Russia’s aggressive war.
本条涉及侵略乌克兰罪刑事责任的个人范围。虽然《国际刑事法院规约》坎帕拉修正案进一步加强了侵略罪的领导性质,但也限制了追究作为共犯的个人责任的可能性。尽管如此,本文认为在现行法律框架内仍有途径将参与侵略乌克兰的关键人物绳之以法。文章研究了俄罗斯领导层和白俄罗斯领导人内部的不同派别,还探讨了将俄罗斯宣传人员绳之以法的可能性。文章主张采取谨慎的选择政策,更好地平衡国际和国内制度,以服务于问责事业。对这些团体进行调查和起诉的结果应能反映俄罗斯侵略战争的犯罪程度。
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引用次数: 0
Conflict in Ukraine – Legal Battlefield. Editorial 乌克兰冲突--法律战场。编辑
Pub Date : 2024-02-13 DOI: 10.21697/2023.12.2.01
Patrycja Grzebyk
Article describes unprecedented (in terms of scope, time framework, arguments) legal actions undertaken by Ukraine in response to Russian aggression which began in 2014 and which escalated in 2022. In the framework of lawfare conducted by Ukraine, article focuses on the allegations of genocide which appeared on both sides of conflict. In consequences, it addresses the current proceeding in the International Court of Justice: Ukraine v. Russian Federation, with 32 States intervening, in which Ukraine attempts to prove that Russia started intervention under the pretext of genocide allegedly committed in Eastern Ukraine. At the same time, article presents arguments concerning the possibility of classification of crimes committed by Russia in Ukraine as genocide. At the end the article presents the content of the volume 2 of PRIEL of the year 2023.
文章描述了乌克兰为应对俄罗斯自 2014 年开始并于 2022 年升级的侵略而采取的前所未有的法律行动(在范围、时间框架和论据方面)。在乌克兰进行的法律战框架内,文章重点关注冲突双方提出的种族灭绝指控。文章还讨论了国际法院目前的诉讼程序:在该案中,乌克兰试图证明俄罗斯以据称在乌克兰东部犯下的种族灭绝为借口开始干预。同时,文章就俄罗斯在乌克兰所犯罪行被归类为种族灭绝的可能性提出了论据。文章最后介绍了 2023 年 PRIEL 第 2 卷的内容。
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引用次数: 0
Legal Dilemmas of the European Court of Human Rights After Russia's Expulsion from the Council of Europe. Selected Issues 俄罗斯被欧洲委员会驱逐后欧洲人权法院的法律困境。部分问题
Pub Date : 2024-02-13 DOI: 10.21697/2023.12.2.05
Aleksandra Mężykowska
The article argues that the exclusion of the Russian Federation from the Council of Europe created a legal situation which enabled the European Court of Human Rights to develop new ways of proceeding when a State de facto refuses to participate in the proceedings and opened for the Court a possibility to interpret the provisions of the European Convention on Human Rights in such a way as to ensure that victims of the Russia’s aggression against Ukraine are afforded the broadest possible protection not only under international humanitarian law, but also under the ECHR.
文章认为,将俄罗斯联邦排除在欧洲委员会之外造成了一种法律状况,使欧洲人权法院能够在一个国家事实上拒绝参与诉讼的情况下制定新的诉讼方式,并为法院提供了一种可能性,以解释《欧洲人权公约》的条款,从而确保俄罗斯侵略乌克兰的受害者不仅能够根据国际人道主义法,而且能够根据《欧洲人权公约》获得尽可能广泛的保护。
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引用次数: 0
Ewa Salkiewicz-Munnerlyn Jurisprudence of the PCIJ and of the ICJ on Interim Measures of Protection (T.M.C. Asser Press 2022, pp. 151) Ewa Salkiewicz-Munnerlyn 《常设国际法院和国际法院关于临时保护措施的判例》(T.M.C. Asser Press 2022 年,第 151 页)。
Pub Date : 2024-02-13 DOI: 10.21697/2023.12.2.07
Sava Jankovic
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引用次数: 0
The Role of the UN Security Council & General Assembly In Responding to the Invasion of Ukraine 联合国安理会和联合国大会在应对乌克兰入侵中的作用
Pub Date : 2024-02-13 DOI: 10.21697/2023.12.2.02
Jennifer Trahan
This article explores the roles of the UN Security Council and UN General Assembly related to the 24 February 2022 invasion by Russian forces of the territory of Ukraine. It considers the Security Council’s paralysis, and suggests states make more use of the UN Charter language that requires obligatory abstention in voting of a “party to a dispute” under Chapter VI; the article also considers legality issues related to a permanent member’s veto use that aids its own jus cogens violation. As to both topics, the article suggests the General Assembly could weigh in by issuing a substantive resolution or requesting an Advisory Opinion from the International Court of Justice. The General Assembly, or the Council acting under Chapter VI, could also establish a Special Tribunal on the Crime of Aggression for the situation of Ukraine.
本文探讨了联合国安理会和联合国大会在 2022 年 2 月 24 日俄罗斯军队入侵乌克兰领土事件中的作用。文章探讨了安理会瘫痪的问题,并建议各国更多地利用《联合国宪章》中要求 "争端一方 "在根据第六章进行表决时必须弃权的规定;文章还探讨了与常任理事国使用否决权帮助其违反强制法有关的合法性问题。对于这两个问题,文章建议联大可以通过发布一项实质性决议或请求国际法院发表咨询意见来进行权衡。大会或根据第六章行事的安理会也可针对乌克兰局势设立侵略罪特别法庭。
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引用次数: 0
Ewa Salkiewicz-Munnerlyn Jurisprudence of the PCIJ and of the ICJ on Interim Measures of Protection (T.M.C. Asser Press 2022, pp. 151) Ewa Salkiewicz-Munnerlyn 《常设国际法院和国际法院关于临时保护措施的判例》(T.M.C. Asser Press 2022 年,第 151 页)。
Pub Date : 2024-02-13 DOI: 10.21697/2023.12.2.07
Sava Jankovic
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引用次数: 0
Why Ukraine Needs an International - Not Internationalised - Tribunal to Prosecute the Crimes of Aggression Committed Against It 为什么乌克兰需要一个国际法庭(而非国际化法庭)来起诉对其犯下的侵略罪行?
Pub Date : 2024-02-13 DOI: 10.21697/2023.12.2.03
Carrie McDougall
Ukraine has called for the establishment of an ad hoc tribunal to investigate and prosecute crimes of aggression committed against it in the context of the Russian invasion. Ukraine has insisted that such a tribunal must be international in nature. Members of the G7, however, have stated that they can only support an “internationalised” or hybrid tribunal embedded in Ukraine’s domestic legal system. This article considers the critiques advanced against the international tribunal model and contends that many of these arguments are flawed, while arguments in favour of the internationalised model are misplaced or overstated. In addition to other advantages, it is demonstrated that an international tribunal: could be set up more quickly; would have a greater prospect of ensuring immunities do not apply; and would be more effective in reinforcing the prohibition of the use of force, thereby maximising the potential of deterrence. For these reasons it is concluded that an international tribunal is the best option for ensuring that those most responsible for crimes of aggression committed against Ukraine are held to account.
乌克兰呼吁设立一个特设法庭,调查和起诉俄罗斯入侵乌克兰时对其犯下的侵略罪行。乌克兰坚持认为,这样的法庭必须是国际性的。然而,七国集团成员却表示,他们只能支持 "国际化 "或嵌入乌克兰国内法律体系的混合法庭。本文探讨了针对国际法庭模式提出的批评意见,认为其中许多论点存在缺陷,而支持国际化模式的论点则有失偏颇或言过其实。除其他优点外,文章还证明国际法庭可以:更快地建立;更有可能确保豁免权不适用;更有效地加强禁止使用武力,从而最大限度地发挥威慑潜力。出于这些原因,我们得出结论,国际法庭是确保追究对乌克兰所犯侵略罪行负最大责任者责任的最佳选择。
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引用次数: 0
Legal Dilemmas of the European Court of Human Rights After Russia's Expulsion from the Council of Europe. Selected Issues 俄罗斯被欧洲委员会驱逐后欧洲人权法院的法律困境。部分问题
Pub Date : 2024-02-13 DOI: 10.21697/2023.12.2.05
Aleksandra Mężykowska
The article argues that the exclusion of the Russian Federation from the Council of Europe created a legal situation which enabled the European Court of Human Rights to develop new ways of proceeding when a State de facto refuses to participate in the proceedings and opened for the Court a possibility to interpret the provisions of the European Convention on Human Rights in such a way as to ensure that victims of the Russia’s aggression against Ukraine are afforded the broadest possible protection not only under international humanitarian law, but also under the ECHR.
文章认为,将俄罗斯联邦排除在欧洲委员会之外造成了一种法律状况,使欧洲人权法院能够在一个国家事实上拒绝参与诉讼的情况下制定新的诉讼方式,并为法院提供了一种可能性,以解释《欧洲人权公约》的条款,从而确保俄罗斯侵略乌克兰的受害者不仅能够根据国际人道主义法,而且能够根据《欧洲人权公约》获得尽可能广泛的保护。
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引用次数: 0
The Role of the UN Security Council & General Assembly In Responding to the Invasion of Ukraine 联合国安理会和联合国大会在应对乌克兰入侵中的作用
Pub Date : 2024-02-13 DOI: 10.21697/2023.12.2.02
Jennifer Trahan
This article explores the roles of the UN Security Council and UN General Assembly related to the 24 February 2022 invasion by Russian forces of the territory of Ukraine. It considers the Security Council’s paralysis, and suggests states make more use of the UN Charter language that requires obligatory abstention in voting of a “party to a dispute” under Chapter VI; the article also considers legality issues related to a permanent member’s veto use that aids its own jus cogens violation. As to both topics, the article suggests the General Assembly could weigh in by issuing a substantive resolution or requesting an Advisory Opinion from the International Court of Justice. The General Assembly, or the Council acting under Chapter VI, could also establish a Special Tribunal on the Crime of Aggression for the situation of Ukraine.
本文探讨了联合国安理会和联合国大会在 2022 年 2 月 24 日俄罗斯军队入侵乌克兰领土事件中的作用。文章探讨了安理会瘫痪的问题,并建议各国更多地利用《联合国宪章》中要求 "争端一方 "在根据第六章进行表决时必须弃权的规定;文章还探讨了与常任理事国使用否决权帮助其违反强制法有关的合法性问题。对于这两个问题,文章建议联大可以通过发布一项实质性决议或请求国际法院发表咨询意见来进行权衡。大会或根据第六章行事的安理会也可针对乌克兰局势设立侵略罪特别法庭。
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Polish Review of International and European Law
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