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The Politics of Richard Wright最新文献

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Behind the McGee Case 麦基案背后
Pub Date : 2018-12-24 DOI: 10.5810/KENTUCKY/9780813175164.003.0010
R. Wright
Originally written for French audiences in 1951, Richard Wright seeks to address the question of how Willie McGee could be executed in Mississippi when doing so was clearly considered unjust in the world of democratic opinion. Wright settles the question of McGee’s innocence in a sentence and so turns to the plantation economy of Mississippi in an effort to contextualize the events. The most backward of US states in educational, cultural, and social terms, nothing had transpired economically since the Civil War to relieve whites’ complete domination of blacks, even though blacks vastly outnumbered whites in terms of population. This meant that whites had to hold state power through ongoing racial violence, terror, and repression. Still, after World War II, brutal lawlessness on the part of the United States became an international liability requiring that a move be made from extralegal to legal lynching. While white Mississippians had not anticipated that McGee’s execution would have negative global consequences, their barbarous standing in the eyes of the world was less significant to them than local pressures to defend white power over blacks. This did not mean that international agitation was without effect: it would force white Americans to think hard before staging another legal lynching and about the price of their continued race prejudice.
理查德·赖特(Richard Wright)最初于1951年为法国读者撰写,试图解决威利·麦吉(Willie McGee)在密西西比州被处决的问题,因为在民主舆论的世界里,这样做显然被认为是不公正的。赖特用一句话解决了麦吉无罪的问题,于是转向密西西比的种植园经济,试图将这些事件置于背景中。作为美国在教育、文化和社会方面最落后的州,自南北战争以来,即使黑人在人口上远远超过白人,在经济上也没有发生任何变化来解除白人对黑人的完全统治。这意味着白人必须通过持续的种族暴力、恐怖和镇压来掌握国家权力。然而,在第二次世界大战后,美国的野蛮无法无天成为一项国际责任,要求从法外私刑转向合法私刑。虽然密西西比白人没有预料到麦吉的死刑会在全球范围内产生负面影响,但对他们来说,他们在世界眼中的野蛮地位比当地捍卫白人对黑人权力的压力更重要。这并不意味着国际骚动没有效果:它将迫使美国白人在进行另一场合法的私刑之前认真思考他们持续的种族偏见的代价。
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引用次数: 0
Wright’s Afromodern Search for Political Freedom 赖特对政治自由的非现代探索
Pub Date : 2018-12-24 DOI: 10.5810/kentucky/9780813175164.003.0003
L. Gordon
Lewis R. Gordon argues that Wright’s writings cast light on the suffocating world produced by colonialism, enslavement, and racism, in which black people are treated as if they simply don’t matter. Wright showed that blacks in the United States are fundamentally historically excluded from the political, aesthetic, and epistemic institutions of the only world to which they are indigenous. By pulling readers into places “they wished never to go,” he demonstrated how the erosion of black political power in fact increased political impotence among humankind. Wright, argues Gordon, was particularly prescient about the relationship between the racist state and twentieth-century fascism. They jointly eradicate conditions of political appearance and freedom, replacing them with unilateral rule.
刘易斯·r·戈登(Lewis R. Gordon)认为,赖特的作品揭示了由殖民主义、奴役和种族主义造成的令人窒息的世界,在这个世界里,黑人被视为无足轻重。赖特表明,美国黑人在历史上基本上被排除在政治、美学和认知机构之外,而他们是唯一的本土世界。通过把读者带到“他们永远不希望去的地方”,他展示了黑人政治权力的侵蚀实际上是如何增加了人类政治上的无能为力。戈登认为,赖特对种族主义国家与20世纪法西斯主义之间的关系尤其有先见之明。他们共同铲除政治表象和自由的条件,代之以单方面的统治。
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引用次数: 0
Richard Wright’s Mission 理查德·赖特的使命
Pub Date : 2018-12-24 DOI: 10.5810/kentucky/9780813175164.003.0006
M. Nissim-Sabat
Some readers of Wright’s work have criticized him for failing to portray healthy human connection or solidarity. In her chapter, Marilyn Nissim-Sabbat maintains that Wright was deeply aware that people could only live as human beings through meaningful relations with one another. Wright understood both that the human need for solidarity runs deep and that the ability to forge it can be damaged. Without such solidarity, alienation from oneself and others will crush “Bigger” and Bigger-like characters on the South Side of Chicago and globally. Wright therefore championed the healing made possible by qualitatively enlarging our lived-experience of and with one another. Essential to articulating and acting on this need is a critical theory of transcendence that is implicit in Wright’s work. Such a theory emerges in this essay through a critique of Simone de Beauvoir’s views on identity politics and cross-group identity in The Second Sex as contrasted with parallel discussions by Wright in Native Son.
莱特作品的一些读者批评他未能描绘出健康的人际关系或团结。在她的章节中,玛丽莲·尼西姆-萨巴特坚持认为,赖特深刻地意识到,人们只有通过彼此之间有意义的关系才能作为人类而生活。赖特明白,人类对团结的需求根深蒂固,而建立这种需求的能力可能会被破坏。如果没有这种团结,对自己和他人的疏离将会粉碎芝加哥南区乃至全球的“大人物”和“大人物”式人物。因此,赖特倡导通过从质量上扩大我们彼此的生活经验来实现治疗。在赖特的作品中隐含着一种超越的批判理论,这对阐明和满足这种需求至关重要。本文通过对西蒙娜·德·波伏娃在《第二性》中关于身份政治和跨群体身份的观点的批判,与赖特在《土子》中的类似讨论形成对比,从而提出了这样的理论。
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引用次数: 0
Joe Louis Uncovers Dynamite 乔·路易斯揭露炸药
Pub Date : 2018-04-19 DOI: 10.5810/kentucky/9780813175164.003.0018
R. Wright
Originally published in October 1935, Richard Wright describes the immediate aftermath of black boxer Joe Louis’s victory over then white champion Max Baer. On the South Side of Chicago, thousands of black people flooded into public spaces in celebration of a moment’s racial victory, an exceptional instance of black triumph over white. Taking strength from Louis’s strength, spontaneously assembled masses of black people felt temporarily and collectively free and invincible. They shook the hands of strangers in unleashed joy and stopped streetcars. Wright thought this cyclone of celebration exhibited a pent-up black folk consciousness that was hungry for freedom, an emboldened energy that could be harnessed and channeled politically. Although soon subsiding, these desires that had long been suppressed had been uncovered in Joe Louis’s victory.
最初出版于1935年10月,理查德·赖特描述了黑人拳击手乔·路易斯战胜当时的白人冠军马克斯·贝尔的直接后果。在芝加哥南部,成千上万的黑人涌入公共场所,庆祝种族胜利的时刻,这是黑人战胜白人的一个特殊例子。从路易斯的力量中获得力量,自发聚集起来的大批黑人感到暂时的集体自由和不可战胜。他们满心欢喜地与陌生人握手,拦住有轨电车。赖特认为,这种旋风般的庆祝活动显示出一种被压抑的黑人民间意识,他们渴望自由,一种可以在政治上加以利用和引导的大胆能量。这些压抑已久的欲望虽然很快就消退了,但在乔·路易斯的胜利中又显露出来了。
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引用次数: 30
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The Politics of Richard Wright
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