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Grand Army of Labor最新文献

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Citadel of Labor 劳动堡垒
Pub Date : 2021-03-15 DOI: 10.5622/illinois/9780252043741.003.0007
M. Stanley
This chapter surveys the role of Civil War memory in the construction of labor patriotism in the American Federation of Labor. Mirroring its anti-revolutionary leadership, notably Samuel Gompers, the AFL moved increasingly away from labor militancy and electoral strategy. The rise of national blue-gray reconciliation paralleled the Federation’s maturation, as well as the establishment of Jim Crow unionism. Labor Day, Decoration Day, and Fourth of July marches were incubators of nationalist pageantry in which white workingmen venerated the veteran alongside the industrial soldier and the union label alongside the American flag. By World War I, the Federation had used Civil War memory to embrace class conciliation and nationalism as leaders, and “respectable” workers complied with government repression of the labor left.
本章考察了内战记忆在美国劳工联合会劳动爱国主义建设中的作用。反映其反革命领导,特别是塞缪尔·龚帕斯,劳联越来越远离劳工战斗和选举战略。全国蓝灰和解运动的兴起与联邦的成熟以及吉姆·克劳工会主义的建立同时发生。劳动节、荣誉节和7月4日的游行孕育了民族主义的盛况,在这些游行中,白人工人在工业士兵的旁边敬拜老兵,在美国国旗旁边敬拜工会的标签。到第一次世界大战时,联邦利用内战的记忆,把阶级和解和民族主义作为领导人,“受人尊敬的”工人服从政府对劳工左派的镇压。
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引用次数: 0
Against Masters and Money Power 反对大师和金钱权力
Pub Date : 2021-03-15 DOI: 10.5622/illinois/9780252043741.003.0004
M. Stanley
This chapter illustrates how the Knights of Labor used Civil War memory to construct organizational culture and promote specific workplace campaigns. Believing the issue of “slavery” (economic domination) unsettled, Knights saw themselves as the rightful heirs of the abolitionists and Radical Republicans. They established affiliate groups for worker-veterans, including the Blue and Gray Association of the Knights of Labor, and expanded the use of antislavery metaphors. Yet the order’s labor republicanism, and the turn by some members toward radicalism, alienated veteran-labor auxiliaries from mainstream veterans’ organizations, notably the Grand Army of the Republic.
本章阐述了劳工骑士团如何利用内战记忆来构建组织文化并推动具体的工作场所运动。骑士们认为“奴隶制”(经济统治)的问题尚未解决,他们认为自己是废奴主义者和激进共和党人的合法继承人。他们为退伍工人建立了附属组织,包括劳工骑士蓝灰协会,并扩大了反奴隶制隐喻的使用。然而,骑士团的劳工共和主义,以及一些成员向激进主义的转变,疏远了主流退伍军人组织(尤其是共和国大军)的退伍军人劳工辅助组织。
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引用次数: 0
Epilogue 后记
Pub Date : 2021-03-15 DOI: 10.5622/illinois/9780252043741.003.0009
M. Stanley
The epilogue appraises the state of radical labor and Civil War memory surrounding the war’s semisesquicentennial. What Eric Hobsbawm terms “the patriotism of the Left,” including the cultural symbols of the Civil War era, was critical to political fights against right-wing nationalism and anti-liberalism. Emancipationist memory was especially central to the political culture of the Communist Party USA, as well as to the broader “Americanization” movement within the Popular Front. However, the “Good War” against fascism provided powerful nationalist mythologies surrounding “Victory Culture” that were less bound by class. Further, the Cold War--and a mass culture of domestic anti-communism--scuttled the revolutionary memory of the Civil War as a precursor to broader class emancipation.
结束语评价了激进劳工的状况以及围绕内战半百年纪念的内战记忆。艾瑞克·霍布斯鲍姆(Eric Hobsbawm)所说的“左派爱国主义”,包括内战时期的文化符号,对反对右翼民族主义和反自由主义的政治斗争至关重要。解放主义记忆在美国共产党的政治文化中,以及在人民阵线内部更广泛的“美国化”运动中尤为重要。然而,反法西斯的“美好战争”提供了强大的民族主义神话,围绕着“胜利文化”,不受阶级的束缚。此外,冷战——以及国内反共产主义的大众文化——破坏了内战作为更广泛的阶级解放先驱的革命记忆。
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引用次数: 0
The Blue and the Gray and the Red: 蓝色,灰色和红色:
Pub Date : 2021-03-15 DOI: 10.5406/j.ctv1k531qs.12
M. Stanley
This chapter analyzes how the Socialist Party of America invoked the “Second American Revolution” to advocate left nationalism, incremental reform, and Christian socialism, or to validate calls for revolution or international industrial emancipation. Pairing the class struggle with abolitionism tied socialism to domestic tradition and rendered the Civil War part of a revolutionary struggle. The Industrial Workers of the World, meanwhile, claimed one of the most contentious legacies of the abolitionists: the defiance of absolute property rights. However, the Red Scare helped undermine the socialist narrative of the war for the Union as a working-class war. Political repression reinforced the decline of revolutionary Civil War memories, which in turn yielded before rising strains of conservative industrial patriotism.
本章分析了美国社会党如何利用“第二次美国革命”来倡导左翼民族主义、渐进式改革和基督教社会主义,或证实革命或国际工业解放的呼吁。阶级斗争与废奴主义的结合将社会主义与国内传统联系在一起,使内战成为革命斗争的一部分。与此同时,世界产业工人组织(The Industrial Workers of The World)提出了废奴主义者最具争议的遗产之一:对绝对产权的蔑视。然而,红色恐慌削弱了社会主义者对联邦战争的描述,认为这是一场工人阶级的战争。政治镇压加剧了对革命内战记忆的衰退,而这种记忆反过来又屈服于保守的工业爱国主义情绪的上升。
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引用次数: 0
The Blue-Gray Campaign 蓝灰阵营
Pub Date : 2021-03-15 DOI: 10.5622/illinois/9780252043741.003.0006
M. Stanley
This chapter investigates how Civil War memory informed the currents and contradictions of Populist thought. Populists painted themselves as neo-abolitionists fighting economic enslavement and combined antislavery vernacular with conceptions of modernity. Populism largely repudiated the Lost Cause. At the same time, the movement was profoundly shaped by the popular reconciliatory trends. This was especially true of the party’s 1892 blue-gray presidential campaign. While Populists attempted to circumvent North-South issues through class or vocational solidarity, regional and racial divisions proved ruinous. Though an effective and permanent coalition required the complete partnership of fully equal nonwhite laborers, Populist-style reconciliation often reinforced the color line even as it defied the Solid South and created new possibilities for Black political engagement.
本章探讨内战记忆如何影响民粹主义思想的潮流和矛盾。民粹主义者把自己描绘成反对经济奴役的新废奴主义者,并将反奴隶制的白话与现代性的概念结合起来。民粹主义在很大程度上否定了失败的事业。与此同时,大众的和解趋势深刻地影响了这场运动。1892年共和党的蓝灰色总统竞选尤其如此。虽然民粹主义者试图通过阶级或职业团结来规避南北问题,但地区和种族分裂被证明是毁灭性的。虽然一个有效而持久的联盟需要完全平等的非白人劳工的完全合作,但民粹主义式的和解往往强化了肤色界限,尽管它蔑视了“南方稳固”的主张,并为黑人参与政治创造了新的可能性。
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引用次数: 0
The Red Flag of Emancipation 解放的红旗
Pub Date : 2021-03-15 DOI: 10.5622/illinois/9780252043741.003.0005
M. Stanley
This chapter considers the production of Civil War memory among Gilded Age socialists and anarchists. These radicals and revolutionaries built on the redistributionist claims of abolitionists and freedpeople, and exceeded those of trade unionists, by challenging not only the legitimacy of slave property or plantations but also the mechanisms of production and property rights. Late nineteenth-century socialists came to see themselves as a postscript to abolitionism, and their “red memory” operated through anarchist networks, militias, and workers’ parties. Most sought an end to partisan debates over loyalty and section, which hindered working-class organization, and used Civil War memory to espouse internationalism, prefiguring the Socialist Party of America and the Industrial Workers of the World.
本章考察了镀金时代社会主义者和无政府主义者对内战记忆的产生。这些激进分子和革命者以废奴主义者和自由人的再分配主张为基础,超越了工会主义者,他们不仅挑战奴隶财产或种植园的合法性,而且挑战生产机制和财产权。19世纪晚期的社会主义者开始将自己视为废奴主义的后记,他们的“红色记忆”通过无政府主义网络、民兵和工人政党运作。大多数人寻求结束党派间关于忠诚和分支的争论,这阻碍了工人阶级的组织,并利用内战的记忆来支持国际主义,预示着美国社会党和世界产业工人。
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引用次数: 0
Southern Palm, Northern Pine 南棕榈,北松
Pub Date : 2021-03-15 DOI: 10.5622/illinois/9780252043741.003.0003
M. Stanley
This chapter examines how Civil War memories anchored farmer-labor radicalism during the 1870s and 1880s. The Greenback-Labor Party in particular used wartime tropes to submit that the popular commemoration of the war, as either a North-South or Black-white axis, was fatal to class and trade organization. Instead, party members advocated a “class reconciliation” of workingmen across both sections. Although such a reconciliation was thwarted by internal contradictions and external resistance, Greenback politics offered discrete opportunities for interracial remembrance after the decline of Reconstruction, with veterans bridging out of major parties and toward reformist and revolutionary politics.
本章考察了19世纪70年代和80年代内战记忆是如何锚定农民劳工激进主义的。绿党-工党尤其使用了战时的比喻,认为流行的战争纪念,无论是南北战争还是黑白战争,对阶级和贸易组织来说都是致命的。相反,该党成员主张在两个阶层的工人之间进行“阶级和解”。虽然这种和解受到内部矛盾和外部阻力的阻碍,但绿背政治在重建时期衰落后为跨种族纪念提供了离散的机会,退伍军人从主要政党中走出来,转向改革主义和革命政治。
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引用次数: 0
Index 指数
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.5406/j.ctv1k531qs.16
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引用次数: 0
The Blue-Gray Campaign: 蓝灰阵营:
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.5406/j.ctv1k531qs.10
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引用次数: 0
Southern Palm, Northern Pine: 南棕、北松:
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.5406/j.ctv1k531qs.7
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Grand Army of Labor
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