Inter-cultural marriage is increasingly common in many societies, yet inter-cultural relationships remain at a higher risk of failure, with higher divorce rates and lower marital satisfaction. The present study analyzed a growing phenomenon in Bangladesh and Malaysia known as intercultural or mixed families. The main objective was to explore challenge associated with inter-cultural relationships, and to determine how these relate to marital satisfaction among foreign partners in inter-cultural families. This study explores five inter-cultural married couples’ experiences using a qualitative inquiry. In this study, we demonstrated the condition of inter-cultural married couples by examining their challenges with respect to inter-cultural adjustment, religious practice, and parental commitment.
{"title":"INTER-CULTURAL MARITAL RELATIONSHIP: RECRUITING PARTICIPANTS FROM BANGLADESHI COMMUNITY","authors":"A. Sultana","doi":"10.35631/ijppsw.39002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.35631/ijppsw.39002","url":null,"abstract":"Inter-cultural marriage is increasingly common in many societies, yet inter-cultural relationships remain at a higher risk of failure, with higher divorce rates and lower marital satisfaction. The present study analyzed a growing phenomenon in Bangladesh and Malaysia known as intercultural or mixed families. The main objective was to explore challenge associated with inter-cultural relationships, and to determine how these relate to marital satisfaction among foreign partners in inter-cultural families. This study explores five inter-cultural married couples’ experiences using a qualitative inquiry. In this study, we demonstrated the condition of inter-cultural married couples by examining their challenges with respect to inter-cultural adjustment, religious practice, and parental commitment.","PeriodicalId":292239,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Politics, Public Policy and Social Works","volume":"93 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-06-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132896575","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Over the past few years, many studies have conducted to examine the effect of advertising value on attitude toward advertising. Advertising value has proven that it has a strong relationship with attitude toward advertising. With the expansion of the media, advertising has been using as part of the political tools. Hence, this research paper will discuss how advertising values influence attitudes toward advertising from a political advertising perspective. Therefore, the purpose of this study is to analyses the influence of advertising value on attitude toward political advertising among Universiti Utara Malaysia (UUM) and Universiti Sains Malaysia (USM) students and their perceptions toward the value of advertising. This study used a quantitative method. An online survey was used in this study and distributed through Google Form among UUM and USM students. Statistical Package for Social Sciences (SPSS) version 25 was used to analyses the collected data. The results found that advertising value variables significantly influence the attitude toward political advertising. Therefore, this study hopes to help future researchers to understand how advertising value in political advertising can give an impact on attitude toward political advertising. Thus, this study can help other researchers as a guideline in exploring other variables for advertising value in political advertising perspective.
在过去的几年里，进行了许多研究来检验广告价值对广告态度的影响。事实证明，广告价值与人们对广告的态度有着密切的关系。随着媒体的扩张，广告已被用作政治工具的一部分。因此，本研究论文将从政治广告的角度讨论广告价值观如何影响广告态度。因此，本研究的目的是分析广告价值对马来西亚北方大学(UUM)和马来西亚理科大学(USM)学生对政治广告态度的影响，以及他们对广告价值的看法。本研究采用定量方法。本研究采用线上调查方式，并透过Google表格在澳门大学和澳门大学学生中进行问卷调查。使用SPSS (Statistical Package for Social Sciences)第25版对收集的数据进行分析。结果发现，广告价值变量显著影响政治广告态度。因此，本研究希望能帮助未来研究者了解政治广告中的广告价值如何对政治广告态度产生影响。因此，本研究可以帮助其他研究者在政治广告视角下探索广告价值的其他变量。
{"title":"THE INFLUENCE OF ADVERTISING VALUE ON ATTITUDE TOWARD POLITICAL ADVERTISING IN SOCIAL MEDIA AMONG UNIVERSITY STUDENTS","authors":"M. Naser, Syamsyul Anuar Ismail","doi":"10.35631/ijppsw.27007","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.35631/ijppsw.27007","url":null,"abstract":"Over the past few years, many studies have conducted to examine the effect of advertising value on attitude toward advertising. Advertising value has proven that it has a strong relationship with attitude toward advertising. With the expansion of the media, advertising has been using as part of the political tools. Hence, this research paper will discuss how advertising values influence attitudes toward advertising from a political advertising perspective. Therefore, the purpose of this study is to analyses the influence of advertising value on attitude toward political advertising among Universiti Utara Malaysia (UUM) and Universiti Sains Malaysia (USM) students and their perceptions toward the value of advertising. This study used a quantitative method. An online survey was used in this study and distributed through Google Form among UUM and USM students. Statistical Package for Social Sciences (SPSS) version 25 was used to analyses the collected data. The results found that advertising value variables significantly influence the attitude toward political advertising. Therefore, this study hopes to help future researchers to understand how advertising value in political advertising can give an impact on attitude toward political advertising. Thus, this study can help other researchers as a guideline in exploring other variables for advertising value in political advertising perspective.","PeriodicalId":292239,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Politics, Public Policy and Social Works","volume":"21 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133737427","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
N. A. Zainol, Anwar Zamani Jusop, A. A. Ridzuan, Sofian Kamaruddin
This paper aims to examine the challenges encountered by Malaysia enforcement border agencies to protect the sovereignty of Malaysia and its prospects of integration among various agencies at the border. With a wide boundary, the Malaysian security is porous to various threats which not only mean a traditional military threat but also include multiple threats. Current threats have been broadening to include transnational criminals such as illegal immigrants, smuggling people or prohibited goods or even non-traditional threats such as terrorism. In order to control such threats, there are several government agencies and legal enforcement which are responsible to protect Malaysian sovereignty such as The Royal Malaysian Police, Royal Malaysian Customs Department, Malaysian Department of Immigration, and Malaysian Border Control Agency and Malaysian Armed Forces as well. These agencies are responsible to manage the Malaysian border at various legal checkpoints such as air, sea and land checkpoints. The Malaysian Armed Forces, on the other hand, has been responsible to manage illegal route along the Malaysian border especially in the jungle. In order to manage a broad scope and complexities of the border, some scholars develop a concept of Coordinated Border Management (CBM) or Integrated Border Management or Collaborative Border Management, or Comprehensive Border Management in order to integrate all different border agencies. There is an urgent need for border agencies to coordinate their actions in order to improve the effectiveness and efficiency of border procedures. All the challenges will discuss further in this article.
{"title":"MANAGING MALAYSIAN BORDER: THE CHALLENGES AND PROSPECTS IN MAINTAINING SECURITY","authors":"N. A. Zainol, Anwar Zamani Jusop, A. A. Ridzuan, Sofian Kamaruddin","doi":"10.35631/ijppsw.13001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.35631/ijppsw.13001","url":null,"abstract":"This paper aims to examine the challenges encountered by Malaysia enforcement border agencies to protect the sovereignty of Malaysia and its prospects of integration among various agencies at the border. With a wide boundary, the Malaysian security is porous to various threats which not only mean a traditional military threat but also include multiple threats. Current threats have been broadening to include transnational criminals such as illegal immigrants, smuggling people or prohibited goods or even non-traditional threats such as terrorism. In order to control such threats, there are several government agencies and legal enforcement which are responsible to protect Malaysian sovereignty such as The Royal Malaysian Police, Royal Malaysian Customs Department, Malaysian Department of Immigration, and Malaysian Border Control Agency and Malaysian Armed Forces as well. These agencies are responsible to manage the Malaysian border at various legal checkpoints such as air, sea and land checkpoints. The Malaysian Armed Forces, on the other hand, has been responsible to manage illegal route along the Malaysian border especially in the jungle. In order to manage a broad scope and complexities of the border, some scholars develop a concept of Coordinated Border Management (CBM) or Integrated Border Management or Collaborative Border Management, or Comprehensive Border Management in order to integrate all different border agencies. There is an urgent need for border agencies to coordinate their actions in order to improve the effectiveness and efficiency of border procedures. All the challenges will discuss further in this article.","PeriodicalId":292239,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Politics, Public Policy and Social Works","volume":"52 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-12-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130951232","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Ummi Munirah Syuhada Mohamad Zan, Panji Hidayat Mazhisham, M. M. Noor
The views and opinions of the Public Higher Education Institute (PHEI) students could change the landscape of politics and administration in the future. This study examined the political responsibility of students which is defined as an act of turnout in the campus selection process and the status of registration as a voter with the Election Commission (EC). The samples for this study were taken from five research universities (RU) with a total of 1349 students and the data is obtained from the Institute of Ethnic Studies. The purpose of this study was to develop an initial model of political responsibility. The analysis used is structural equation modeling. Confirmatory factor analysis showed that the data of study correspond to the four latent variables in the measurement models of political responsibility which are media, perception, involvement and political literacy. Political literacy is the most influential factor for political responsibility besides perception and involvement.
{"title":"APPLICATION OF STRUCTURAL EQUATION MODELING IN STUDYING THE POLITICAL RESPONSIBILITY AMONG STUDENTS OF PUBLIC HIGHER EDUCATION INSTITUTE","authors":"Ummi Munirah Syuhada Mohamad Zan, Panji Hidayat Mazhisham, M. M. Noor","doi":"10.35631/ijppsw.12001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.35631/ijppsw.12001","url":null,"abstract":"The views and opinions of the Public Higher Education Institute (PHEI) students could change the landscape of politics and administration in the future. This study examined the political responsibility of students which is defined as an act of turnout in the campus selection process and the status of registration as a voter with the Election Commission (EC). The samples for this study were taken from five research universities (RU) with a total of 1349 students and the data is obtained from the Institute of Ethnic Studies. The purpose of this study was to develop an initial model of political responsibility. The analysis used is structural equation modeling. Confirmatory factor analysis showed that the data of study correspond to the four latent variables in the measurement models of political responsibility which are media, perception, involvement and political literacy. Political literacy is the most influential factor for political responsibility besides perception and involvement.","PeriodicalId":292239,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Politics, Public Policy and Social Works","volume":"3 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-10-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124026623","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This study discusses Malaysia's stand and commitment in its foreign policy in the Israeli-Palestinian conflicts. Malaysia's foreign policy towards the Israeli-Palestinian conflicts is to prioritize security and stability in the region of West Asia or the Middle East. A more important aspect is Malaysia's commitment to the liberation of the Palestinian land from the conquest and oppression of the Zionist regime which is strongly supported by the major powers such as the United States and Britain. Although various peace negotiations have been held between Israel and Palestine, yet such concrete solutions have not yet been achieved in absolute terms. The objective of this paper is to analyze the reason Malaysia is actively involved in the Israeli-Palestinian conflicts. The methodology that was used in this research is using primary resources such as files and documents from National Archive Kuala Lumpur, Official Statements of Parliament of Malaysia, speech texts and newspaper clippings. The finding shows that Malaysia is involved in the conflict due to the humanitarian and Islamic religion.
{"title":"MALAYSIA COMMITMENT IN ISRAEL-PALESTINE CONFLICT: 1957-2014","authors":"Nurul Fatihah Yusoff, Azlizan Mat Enh, Z. Hamzah","doi":"10.35631/IJPPSW.11001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.35631/IJPPSW.11001","url":null,"abstract":"This study discusses Malaysia's stand and commitment in its foreign policy in the Israeli-Palestinian conflicts. Malaysia's foreign policy towards the Israeli-Palestinian conflicts is to prioritize security and stability in the region of West Asia or the Middle East. A more important aspect is Malaysia's commitment to the liberation of the Palestinian land from the conquest and oppression of the Zionist regime which is strongly supported by the major powers such as the United States and Britain. Although various peace negotiations have been held between Israel and Palestine, yet such concrete solutions have not yet been achieved in absolute terms. The objective of this paper is to analyze the reason Malaysia is actively involved in the Israeli-Palestinian conflicts. The methodology that was used in this research is using primary resources such as files and documents from National Archive Kuala Lumpur, Official Statements of Parliament of Malaysia, speech texts and newspaper clippings. The finding shows that Malaysia is involved in the conflict due to the humanitarian and Islamic religion.","PeriodicalId":292239,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Politics, Public Policy and Social Works","volume":"7 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-07-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126412246","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This chapter discusses the battle of the three political regimes in Malaysia, the Barisan Nasional (BN) and Pakatan Harapan (PH), in the 14th General Election and the formation of Perikatan Nasional (PN) after the collapse of the PH government. The BN coalition has shown its political influence throughout 63 years of ruling the country since independence which has been hard to break by other opposition parties in Malaysia. BN has manipulated various government instruments in ruling to form a strong political hegemony that affects the voting behaviour of voters in determining rational choice, especially when elections are conducted. However, the strong political domination has been broken by the opposition movement that began in the 12th General Election that eventually toppled the old political regime, BN in the last GE-14. The failure of BN to defend its position as a government is due to several factors including scandals and misuse of power by political leaders, the weaknesses of the government in addressing economic issues, and pressures faced by the people on the cost of living, and limited employment opportunities. Issues that arise are then manipulated by the opposition parties at the same time, which managed to convince voters to change their support from BN to PH in the last GE-14. However, PH, which then had the opportunity to govern the country with a dilemma, as it failed to capitalize on the opportunity and fulfilled its manifesto as promised in their election campaigns. Subsequently, Malaysians, especially the voters in a series of by-election have begun to send a message to the government by voting for opposition candidates as a gesture of protest against the PH government. Furthermore, an analysis of the developments and dilemmas of the direction of the two political regimes before and after the GE-14 is discussed in detail in this chapter.
{"title":"THE BATTLE OF THREE POLITICAL REGIMES IN MALAYSIA PRIOR AND POST GE 14TH: AN ANALYSIS OF BARISAN NASIONAL, PAKATAN HARAPAN & THE FORMATION OF PERIKATAN NASIONAL (PN)","authors":"Mohammad Tawfik Yaakub","doi":"10.35631/ijppsw.38003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.35631/ijppsw.38003","url":null,"abstract":"This chapter discusses the battle of the three political regimes in Malaysia, the Barisan Nasional (BN) and Pakatan Harapan (PH), in the 14th General Election and the formation of Perikatan Nasional (PN) after the collapse of the PH government. The BN coalition has shown its political influence throughout 63 years of ruling the country since independence which has been hard to break by other opposition parties in Malaysia. BN has manipulated various government instruments in ruling to form a strong political hegemony that affects the voting behaviour of voters in determining rational choice, especially when elections are conducted. However, the strong political domination has been broken by the opposition movement that began in the 12th General Election that eventually toppled the old political regime, BN in the last GE-14. The failure of BN to defend its position as a government is due to several factors including scandals and misuse of power by political leaders, the weaknesses of the government in addressing economic issues, and pressures faced by the people on the cost of living, and limited employment opportunities. Issues that arise are then manipulated by the opposition parties at the same time, which managed to convince voters to change their support from BN to PH in the last GE-14. However, PH, which then had the opportunity to govern the country with a dilemma, as it failed to capitalize on the opportunity and fulfilled its manifesto as promised in their election campaigns. Subsequently, Malaysians, especially the voters in a series of by-election have begun to send a message to the government by voting for opposition candidates as a gesture of protest against the PH government. Furthermore, an analysis of the developments and dilemmas of the direction of the two political regimes before and after the GE-14 is discussed in detail in this chapter.","PeriodicalId":292239,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Politics, Public Policy and Social Works","volume":"14 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125825488","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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