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When right meets left: on the progressive rhetoric of far-right populist parties in Europe 当右翼与左翼相遇:关于欧洲极右翼民粹主义政党的进步言论
Pub Date : 2020-09-17 DOI: 10.4337/9781789903447.00008
Francesco Duina, D. Carson
The ascendancy of far-right populist parties (FRPPs) in Europe has been nothing short of remarkable. Seen as the ‘fastest-growing party family’ in the continent (Golder, 2016, p. 477), FRPPs have won significant numbers of seats in national elections in recent years and assured for themselves a place in governing coalitions as partners or outright leaders. This has happened in a long and varied list of countries, ranging from Italy to Austria, Switzerland, the Netherlands, Denmark, Norway, Estonia, Latvia, Hungary, Poland, Bulgaria, Croatia and Slovakia.1 Even when electoral successes have not translated into government roles, they have constituted major achievements. In France, for instance, Marine Le Pen’s National Rally (known as National Front until 2018) stunned the political establishment by reaching the final run-offs in the presidential elections, where it lost to Emmanuel Macron’s Forward! party. Meanwhile, in 2017, the Alternative for Germany won seats in 14 of 16 state parliaments, and became the third largest party in the Bundestag (the first time a far-right party secured any seats there since 1957). In Spain, Vox scored an expected victory in the general elections of November 2019 by coming in third. FRPPs have done well at the EU level too: the Danish People’s Party, the United Kingdom’s UKIP and France’s National Rally scored unprecedented victories – for instance, at the 2014 European Parliament elections (Brack, 2015). While the subsequent elections in 2019 did not represent major victories for all major FRPPs, they did so for the Alternative for Germany, France’s National Rally and Italy’s League. These successes have had consequences. From immigration to taxation to support for the EU, FRPPs have directly shaped programs and priorities. They have also forced parties from the center to veer to the right to retain voters. Chancellor Angela Merkel’s reversal of her 2015 open-door immigration policy for Germany offers a good example. The victories have also helped relegate historically dominant mainstream parties to secondary roles, as in France and Italy. The rise of FRPPs has logically puzzled casual observers and academics alike. What can explain it? Numerous accounts have been offered. Media commentators have stressed factors such as economic distress, immigration and fears of cultural and identity dilution (Aisch, Pearce & Rousseau, 2017; Der Spiegel, 2010; Lebor, 2016; New York Times, 2016). Academic arguments point to these and other factors (Carter, 2005; Cochrane & Nevitte, 2014; Lubbers & Coenders, 2017; Mieriņa & Koroļeva, 2015; Stockemer, 2017). For example, Golder (2016) offers a useful categorization of those arguments, in line with previous research (see Halikiopoulou, Mock, & Vasilopoulou, 2013; Kitschelt, 1995; Norris, 2005; Van der Brug, Fennema, & Tillie, 2005). He identifies ‘supply-side’ argu-
极右翼民粹主义政党(FRPPs)在欧洲的崛起可谓引人注目。frpp被视为非洲大陆“增长最快的政党家族”(Golder, 2016,第477页),近年来在全国选举中赢得了大量席位,并确保自己作为合作伙伴或直接领导人在执政联盟中占有一席之地。这种情况发生在一长串不同的国家,从意大利到奥地利、瑞士、荷兰、丹麦、挪威、爱沙尼亚、拉脱维亚、匈牙利、波兰、保加利亚、克罗地亚和斯洛伐克。即使选举的成功没有转化为政府的角色,它们也构成了重大成就。例如,在法国,马琳·勒庞(Marine Le Pen)的国民集会(National Rally)(在2018年之前被称为国民阵线(National Front))进入了总统选举的最后一轮决选,震惊了政治建制派,最终输给了埃马纽埃尔·马克龙(Emmanuel Macron)的前进!聚会,派对与此同时,2017年,德国新选择党赢得了16个州议会中的14个席位,成为德国联邦议院第三大党(这是自1957年以来极右翼政党首次获得席位)。在西班牙,Vox在2019年11月的大选中取得了预期的胜利,排名第三。frpp在欧盟层面也表现出色:丹麦人民党、英国独立党和法国国民大会党取得了前所未有的胜利——例如,在2014年欧洲议会选举中(Brack, 2015)。尽管随后在2019年的选举中,并不是所有主要右翼政党都取得了重大胜利,但德国新选择党、法国全国集会党和意大利联盟党取得了重大胜利。这些成功产生了后果。从移民到税收再到对欧盟的支持,frpp直接影响了计划和优先事项。他们还迫使中间派政党转向右翼以留住选民。德国总理安格拉•默克尔(Angela Merkel)改变2015年对德国开放移民政策就是一个很好的例子。这些胜利也让历史上占主导地位的主流政党退居次要地位,比如在法国和意大利。frpp的兴起在逻辑上让普通观察者和学者都感到困惑。怎么解释呢?人们提供了许多说法。媒体评论员强调了经济困境、移民以及对文化和身份稀释的恐惧等因素(Aisch, Pearce & Rousseau, 2017;明镜周刊,2010;Lebor, 2016;纽约时报,2016)。学术论点指出了这些和其他因素(Carter, 2005;Cochrane & Nevitte, 2014;《Lubbers & Coenders》,2017;Mieriņa & Koroļeva, 2015;Stockemer, 2017)。例如,Golder(2016)对这些论点进行了有用的分类,与之前的研究一致(见halkiopoulou, Mock, & Vasilopoulou, 2013;Kitschelt, 1995;诺里斯,2005;Van der Brug, Fennema, & Tillie, 2005)。他提出了“供给侧”的观点
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引用次数: 0
Introduction to the Research Handbook on Nationalism 民族主义研究手册导论
Pub Date : 2020-09-17 DOI: 10.4337/9781789903447.00005
Liah Greenfeld
The purpose of the present book is to give the reader an idea of what kinds of scholarship are undertaken today on the subject of nationalism around the world. It aims to bring to the reader’s attention representative work, not necessarily the “best,” recognizing that what is considered the best in various national traditions is likely to differ substantially. The time has passed when most participants in a scholarly discussion on a certain subject would share common agreed-upon standards, and when those who did not would not be included in the discussion at all. The world of scholarship as defined by the West has expanded dramatically, with a striking increase in the relevance for it of the post-Soviet and Chinese scholarly worlds in particular, which only a few decades earlier existed in their own closed spheres. And, in no area of study is the mutual relevance of these previously separate scholarly worlds more consequential than in that of nationalism – a subject of intense interest, transcending academia everywhere around the globe. At the same time, significant changes, resulting in a widespread intellectual disarray, have occurred within Western social sciences and it is no longer clear what constitutes acceptable scholarship within the fields, apart from the fact that it is accepted (as a PhD dissertation, for publication in a journal, etc.) somewhere. This is exacerbated by the division of the Western social science into separate disciplines. Since their subject is singular, human society, and no aspect of it can be understood in isolation from others, these disciplines differ mostly in style, and what may be praiseworthy scholarship in history would not pass muster in political science, what would be perfectly acceptable in sociology would be decried in economics, and vice versa, even when all these sovereign “academic nations” address precisely the same intellectual question. Added to this, what constitutes these disciplines is defined differently in various Western nations (UK and USA, not to speak of France, Germany, Italy and others in Europe) and completely differently within the independent scholarly traditions of the former Soviet and Sinic societies, and editors are left without standards, if the goal is to showcase representative work, or can select only from the limited and not at all representative work according to the standards of their national and disciplinary traditions and, ultimately, subjective judgment. As said, we have decided to present what there is and keep our judgment to ourselves. This decision has several implications. The first of these is that the present book must be regarded as a primary source for research on nationalism – a source of data, not a summary or analysis of the accumulated knowledge (but a basis for such summary and analysis) and certainly not a reflection of a general understanding of the phenomenon. In fact, the work assembled here, which accurately represents what scholarly research on nati
本书的目的是让读者了解当今世界上关于民族主义主题的学术研究是什么样的。它的目的是让读者注意到有代表性的作品,不一定是“最好的”,因为认识到在不同的民族传统中被认为是最好的作品可能有很大的不同。在某一主题的学术讨论中,大多数参与者会分享共同商定的标准,而那些不同意的人则根本不会被包括在讨论中,这样的时代已经过去了。西方所定义的学术世界已经急剧扩张,特别是后苏联和中国的学术世界与之的相关性显著增加,而几十年前,这些学术世界还存在于它们自己的封闭领域。而且,在任何一个研究领域中,这些先前独立的学术世界之间的相互关联,都比民族主义研究领域更为重要——民族主义是一个备受关注的主题,超越了全球各地的学术界。与此同时,西方社会科学领域发生了重大变化,导致了广泛的知识混乱,除了在某个地方被接受(作为博士论文,在期刊上发表等)的事实之外,该领域内不再清楚什么是可接受的学术。西方社会科学分裂为不同的学科,加剧了这种情况。因为他们的主题是单一的,人类社会,而且它的任何方面都不能孤立地理解,这些学科主要是风格不同,在历史上可能值得称赞的学术不会通过政治学的审查,在社会学中完全可以接受的东西会在经济学中受到谴责,反之亦然,即使所有这些主权的“学术国家”都在解决完全相同的知识问题。除此之外,在不同的西方国家(英国和美国,更不用说法国、德国、意大利和其他欧洲国家),对这些学科的定义是不同的,在前苏联和中国社会的独立学术传统中,这些学科的定义是完全不同的,如果编辑的目标是展示有代表性的作品,那么编辑就没有标准。或者只能根据他们的民族和学科传统的标准,最终是主观判断,从有限的、根本没有代表性的作品中进行选择。如前所述,我们已经决定把现有的东西呈现出来,把我们的判断留给自己。这一决定有几个含义。首先,本书必须被视为民族主义研究的主要来源——一个数据来源,而不是对积累的知识的总结或分析(但这种总结和分析的基础),当然也不是对这种现象的一般理解的反映。事实上,这里汇集的工作,准确地代表了当今世界各地对民族主义的学术研究,表明不存在这样的普遍理解——很明显,只有少数学者为这个集合做出贡献,甚至把理解作为他们的目标之一,考虑到一个全面的
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引用次数: 0
Nationalism and terrorism 民族主义和恐怖主义
Pub Date : 2020-09-17 DOI: 10.4337/9781789903447.00011
Nick Brooke
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引用次数: 0
Elite and Grassroots Conceptions of National Identity 国家认同的精英与草根观念
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.4337/9781789903447.00029
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引用次数: 0
Section B Chinese Civilization 第二节中华文明
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.4337/9781789903447.00047
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引用次数: 0
Economic Nationalism vs Economic Determinism 经济民族主义vs经济决定论
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.4337/9781789903447.00024
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引用次数: 0
Eurasian nationalism 欧亚大陆民族主义
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.4337/9781789903447.00033
Yuri Ivanovich Basilov
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引用次数: 0
Competing for Supremacy 争夺霸权
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.4337/9781789903447.00039
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引用次数: 0
Section B Post-Cold War Disarray 冷战后的混乱
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.4337/9781789903447.00010
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引用次数: 0
The Significance of Race 种族的重要性
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.4337/9781789903447.00014
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引用次数: 8
期刊
Research Handbook on Nationalism
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