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La colonialité du genre 性别的殖民主义
Pub Date : 2019-09-01 DOI: 10.4000/cedref.1196
María Lugones
Je m’interesse a l’intersection de race, classe, genre et sexualite afin de comprendre la preoccupante indifference que les hommes —et surtout, ce qui est plus important encore pour nos luttes, les hommes ayant ete racises comme inferieurs— manifestent a l’egard des violences systematiques infligees aux femmes de couleur. Je veux comprendre la construction de cette indifference, de maniere a la rendre ineluctablement reconnaissable par ceux qui pretendent etre impliques dans des luttes de lib...
我对种族、阶级、性别和性的交叉感兴趣,以理解男性——尤其是对我们的斗争来说更重要的是,被种族化为劣等的男性——对有色人种女性的系统性暴力表现出的令人担忧的冷漠。我想理解这种冷漠的构建,以一种让那些假装参与自由斗争的人不可避免地认识到它的方式……
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引用次数: 9
Épistémologies du Sud : lectures critiques du féminisme décolonial 南方认识论:对非殖民女权主义的批判性解读
Pub Date : 2019-09-01 DOI: 10.4000/cedref.1268
María Luisa Femenías
Publie en 2000, le livre de Boaventura de Sousa Santos — un sociologue emerite portugais — intitule Critique de la raison indolente a eu un grand impact au Bresil comme dans le reste de l’Amerique Latine (De Sousa Santos, 2000/2003). Il y developpait ce qu’il a appele « les Epistemologies du Sud » global en opposition aux « Epistemologies du Nord », global egalement. De Sousa Santos entendait par « Epistemologies du Sud » les connaissances, theories et savoirs qui reflechissent avec creativit...
葡萄牙社会学家博文图拉·德索萨·桑托斯(Boaventura de Sousa Santos)于2000年出版的《懒惰的理性批判》(criticism of the懒惰的理性)一书在巴西和拉丁美洲其他地区都产生了巨大的影响(德索萨·桑托斯,2000/2003)。在那里,他发展了他所谓的全球“南方认识论”,而不是全球的“北方认识论”。德索萨·桑托斯所说的“南方认识论”指的是创造性地反映……
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引用次数: 0
Genre, sexe et théorie décoloniale : débats autour du patriarcat et défis contemporains 性别、性与非殖民化理论:关于父权制的辩论与当代挑战
Pub Date : 2019-09-01 DOI: 10.4000/CEDREF.1244
Luisina Bolla
A partir du debut des annees 1970, les analyses pionnieres developpees par les theoriciennes feministes materialistes francophones permettent d’elaborer un cadre d’analyse antinaturaliste qui rend possible des nouvelles comprehensions des phenomenes sociaux. En 1972, Colette Guillaumin publie sa these de doctorat, L’ideologie raciste. Dans le sillage des regles de la methode durkheimienne —un fait social ne s’explique que par un autre fait social - elle demarque la categorie de « race » de se...
从20世纪70年代初开始,法语唯物主义女权主义理论家的开创性分析使反自然主义分析框架得以发展,使对社会现象的新理解成为可能。1972年,科莱特·纪尧明发表了她的博士论文《种族主义意识形态》。遵循迪尔凯姆方法的规则——一个社会事实只能用另一个社会事实来解释——它将“种族”的范畴划分为……
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引用次数: 1
Quand la maison du-de la maître-sse est hybride : savoirs migrants et pratiques de l’interdépendance 当女主人的房子是混合的:移民知识和相互依赖的实践
Pub Date : 2019-09-01 DOI: 10.4000/CEDREF.1208
M. Younes
Cet article est issu d’une recherche doctorale realisee a Beyrouth (Liban) entre 2014 et 2017, portant sur un dispositif d’immigration pour le travail domestique regissant des migrations Sud-Sud contemporaines, qui n’occupent pas une place paradigmatique dans les theories feministes post/decoloniales. Bien que la coercition au travail domestique des femmes migrantes « temporaires » ou privees de statut soit recurrente a l’echelle globale, y compris dans les Nords (Anderson, 2000 ; Glenn, 2010...
本文来自于2014年至2017年在贝鲁特(黎巴嫩)进行的一项博士研究,研究的是当代南南移民中家务劳动的移民安排,这在后/非殖民女权主义理论中没有占据范式位置。尽管强迫“临时”或被剥夺地位的移民妇女从事家务工作在全球范围内反复出现,包括在北方(Anderson, 2000;Glenn 2010 ...
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引用次数: 0
La question de la colonialité du genre 性别殖民主义问题
Pub Date : 2019-09-01 DOI: 10.4000/CEDREF.1218
B. Mendoza
Au sein du tournant decolonial que la theorie feministe latino-americaine a commence a prendre, un nouveau concept a emerge, qui pourrait constituer un changement de paradigme dans notre comprehension du genre. Il s'agit du concept colonialite du genre, forge par la philosophe argentine Maria Lugones dans ses deux derniers articles : « Heterosexualism and the Colonial/ Modern Gender System » (2007) et, plus recemment, « Toward a Decolonial Feminism » (2010), article qui n'a pas encore ete tra...
在拉丁美洲女权主义理论开始采取的非殖民化转变中,一个新的概念出现了,这可能代表了我们对性别理解的范式转变。这是阿根廷哲学家Maria Lugones在她的最后两篇文章中提出的殖民主义性别概念:《异性恋主义与殖民/现代性别体系》(2007)和最近的《走向非殖民女权主义》(2010)。
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引用次数: 2
The Gezi Revolt and the Solidarist Individualism of « Çapulcu » Women (marauder) 格兹起义与“Çapulcu”妇女的团结主义个人主义(掠夺者)
Pub Date : 2018-10-15 DOI: 10.4000/cedref.1133
Buket Turkmen
Introduction In June 2013, a resistance emerged in Turkey: the defence of The Gezi Park, which resulted in its occupation, and the establishment of a camp managed as an autonomous commune by various groups. This opposition quickly spread to other cities in Turkey and caused waves of resistance that lasted all summer. After its violent flattening, the Gezi Movement continued in neighbourhood forums, solidarity organisations and urban resistance movements. Despite the often repeated claim that ...
2013年6月,土耳其出现了一场抵抗运动:保卫Gezi公园,导致其被占领,并建立了一个由各种团体管理的自治公社营地。这种反对很快蔓延到土耳其的其他城市,并引发了一波又一波的抵抗,持续了整个夏天。在暴力镇压之后,格齐运动在社区论坛、团结组织和城市抵抗运动中继续发展。尽管人们经常声称……
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引用次数: 3
Gendering the State of Emergency Regime in Turkey 土耳其紧急状态制度的性别问题
Pub Date : 2018-10-15 DOI: 10.4000/CEDREF.1122
Zeynep Kivilcim
Since the 20th of July 2016, Turkey has been under the state of emergency. Reiteration of the hegemonic relationship between power, masculinity and violence for the reassertion of political rule is the central feature of state of emergency regimes. In Turkey, we experience sharp and sudden shifts of power within the political and legal sphere, and these shifts impact on gender norms and gender policies. This article aims to present the effects of the security state on women’s and LGBTI individuals’ life spaces, in order to gender Turkey’s state of emergency rule. It will discuss how the weakening of the separation of powers, and the granting of extreme powers to the executive, almost completely prevent any opportunities for advancing the women and LGBTI movements’ agenda through different modalities of the three branches of the state. The emergency measures ravage many of the women and LGBTI movement’s long-term struggles and achievements. The article will also discuss the government’s interventions in Kurdish municipalities and the closing down of women’s organizations, shelters and solidarity centers; such interventions meant the violent interruption of the institutional solidarity networks that had gained women’s trust with their long-term work. Moreover, public spaces are becoming extremely insecure for women and LGBTI individuals under the regime of the security state. The conservative and militarist individuals and groups that took over public spaces are supported by the sexist rhetoric of government officials. Encouraged by their new powers, conferred to them by the state of emergency regime, the police use extensive physical violence against women during gatherings and demonstrations. Sexual harassments and torture while under custody, against female and male detainees, are widespread.The article aims to analyze the state of emergency as a mechanism that works against all kinds of anti-oppression solidarities and alliances. However, I also establish that despite all of the draconian governmental measures, and the rising sexist violence in all segments of society, women and LGBTI groups resist the state of emergency regime in solidarity.
自2016年7月20日以来,土耳其一直处于紧急状态。为了重新确立政治统治,重申权力、男子气概和暴力之间的霸权关系是紧急状态制度的主要特点。在土耳其,我们经历了政治和法律领域内急剧而突然的权力转移,这些转移对性别规范和性别政策产生了影响。本文旨在呈现安全状态对女性和LGBTI个体生活空间的影响,以探讨土耳其紧急状态的性别化。它将讨论三权分立的削弱,以及对行政部门的极端权力的授予,如何几乎完全阻止了通过国家三个部门的不同方式推进妇女和LGBTI运动议程的任何机会。这些紧急措施破坏了许多妇女和LGBTI运动的长期斗争和成就。这篇文章也将讨论政府对库尔德自治市的干预,以及关闭妇女组织、庇护所和团结中心;这种干预意味着暴力地中断了以其长期工作赢得妇女信任的机构团结网络。此外,在安全国家的统治下,公共空间对女性和LGBTI个人来说变得极其不安全。占据公共空间的保守派和军国主义个人和团体得到了政府官员性别歧视言论的支持。在紧急状态制度赋予他们的新权力的鼓舞下,警察在集会和示威期间对妇女广泛使用身体暴力。在拘留期间,针对男女被拘留者的性骚扰和酷刑十分普遍。本文旨在分析紧急状态作为一种对抗各种反压迫团结和联盟的机制。然而,我也确定,尽管政府采取了所有严厉的措施,社会各阶层的性别歧视暴力不断上升,但妇女和LGBTI群体团结一致地抵制紧急状态制度。
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引用次数: 1
Transforming the Gendered Regime Through Reproductive Politics: Neoliberal Health Restructuring, The Debt Economy and Reproductive Rights in Turkey 通过生殖政治改变性别制度:土耳其的新自由主义健康重组、债务经济和生殖权利
Pub Date : 2018-10-15 DOI: 10.4000/cedref.1150
Ayşe Dayı, Eylem Karakaya
The “Health Transformation Program,” started by the AKP (Justice and Development Party) in 2003 in Turkey, is part of the global neoliberal “Health Sector Reforms-HSRs” which have been undertaken since the late 1980s and early 1990s with the support of World Bank advisers and reports, in various ‘developing’ countries such as Brazil, Mexico, South Korea, Taiwan, always with the rationale of a “health crisis” (increasing costs of health care), a need to prevent public corruption and bring “efficiency.” Similar to these other contexts, the Turkish health reform or health restructuring as we call it, comprised changes to finance mechanisms and provision of care and introduced a premium-based compulsory health coverage system. Alongside the neoliberal policies, there has also been a rise in the New Right under the AKP regime, which had at its center anti-women discourses, policies and implementations, including a pronatalist discourse and implementations and statements equating abortion with murder. To contribute to the existing feminist literature that analyzes the intricate links between capitalism, neoliberalism and gender, especially on connecting the latest stage of neoliberalism–the debt economy- to reproductive rights, we designed a multisite feminist research to investigate the effects of neoliberal health-structuring on reproductive rights in Turkey, France and the U.S. Our theoretical groundings are in transnational feminist theory and writings on the state of neoliberalism and the debt economy, especially those of Lazaratto and Berardi. In this paper, we discuss our findings in Turkey, especially the focus-group interviews with healthcare providers working in family health centers, in order to reveal how the gender regime in Turkey is being transformed via reproductive and body politics. Analyzing our existent data on Turkey in light of the writings on the debt economy, we observed the neoliberal mechanisms of the dismantling of the public/privatization and the creation of individual debt and quantification of care (as related to mathematization of life and language). We witnessed how these neoliberal mechanisms interact with the conservative discourse leading to the erosion of women’s rights to access contraceptive and abortion care in Turkey and a transformation of the gender regime through the alteration of its reproductive politics.
"健康转型计划"由正义与发展党(AKP)于2003年在土耳其发起,是全球新自由主义“卫生部门改革”的一部分,自20世纪80年代末和90年代初以来,在世界银行顾问和报告的支持下,在巴西、墨西哥、韩国、台湾等各种“发展中”国家开展了“卫生部门改革”,其理由总是“卫生危机”(卫生保健成本增加),需要防止公共腐败并带来“效率”。与这些其他情况类似,土耳其的医疗改革或我们所说的医疗结构调整,包括对融资机制和医疗服务提供的改革,并引入了以保费为基础的强制性医疗保险制度。在新自由主义政策的同时,AKP政权下的新右翼也在崛起,其核心是反妇女的话语、政策和实施,包括将堕胎与谋杀等同起来的生育主义话语和实施和声明。为了对现有的女权主义文献做出贡献,这些文献分析了资本主义、新自由主义和性别之间的复杂联系,特别是将新自由主义的最新阶段——债务经济——与生殖权利联系起来,我们设计了一项多地点女权主义研究,以调查土耳其新自由主义健康结构对生殖权利的影响。我们的理论基础是跨国女权主义理论和关于新自由主义国家和债务经济的著作,特别是拉扎拉托和贝拉尔迪的著作。在本文中,我们讨论了我们在土耳其的发现,特别是对在家庭保健中心工作的医疗保健提供者的焦点小组访谈,以揭示土耳其的性别制度如何通过生殖和身体政治进行转变。根据有关债务经济的著作分析我们现有的土耳其数据,我们观察到公共/私有化的瓦解、个人债务的创造和护理的量化(与生活和语言的数学化有关)的新自由主义机制。我们目睹了这些新自由主义机制如何与保守话语相互作用,导致土耳其妇女获得避孕和堕胎护理的权利受到侵蚀,并通过改变其生殖政治来改变性别制度。
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引用次数: 5
Reflecting on The Oppositional Discourses Against the AKP’s Neoliberalism and Searching for a New Vision for Feminist Counter Politics 对正义与发展党新自由主义的反对话语反思与女性主义反政治新视野的探索
Pub Date : 2018-10-15 DOI: 10.4000/CEDREF.1101
Betül Yarar
Focusing on discourses that are critical of the AKP’s neoliberal regime, in power for the past fifteen years in “Turkey”, this paper aims to reflect on the conceptual settings and vocabulary that have been used by, not only feminist intellectuals/activists, but also other political groups who have been critical of the AKP’s politics. Since feminist counter discourses are considered an interactive part of the public opinion-building process, instead of focusing only on the arguments of feminist intellectuals and activists, critical discourses of different oppositional groups, including feminist ones, are analysed in relational and historical terms. In this paper, the AKP’s long lasting hegemony will be analysed in two different phases. In each phase, there are important changes in the discursive framework of oppositional groups, as the AKP’s governmentality or governmental rationality (strategy to construct social consensus) shifts from conservative-neoliberal to a more authoritarian neoliberal mode. The paper argues that despite their success in scrutinising the Kemalist nationalism and modernisation project, any of those counter-critical positions, including feminist opposition, could be effective against the AKP’s hegemonic rule based on neoliberalism. This argument resonates with Fraser’s* historical analysis of second-wave feminism’s failure against neoliberalism in the West, in respect to the transformation to a post-Fordist, transnational, and neoliberal capitalism. Despite being critical of Fraser’s approach, I find the following question very relevant: has there been a subterranean elective affinity between second-wave feminism conjointly with its New Left counterpart, and neoliberalism? This is a hot topic of discussion for feminists in the AKP’s second period. The paper finally analyses different theoretical-political positions and discursive limits of this debate, which seems very productive for any oppositional group to develop a more comprehensive and sophisticated theoretical analysis of noeliberalism. Providing an alternative theoretical framework that bypasses the failures of the above-mentioned positions is another issue going beyond the limits of this paper.* Fraser, Nancy; Henry A. and Louise Loeb, (2007) “Feminist Politics in the Age of Recognition: A Two-Dimensional Approach to Gender Justice”, Studies in Social Justice, Volume 1, Number 1, Winter 2007; Fraser, Nancy (2009), “Feminism, Capitalism and the Cunning of History”, New Left Review, Mart-April, p. 97-117; Fraser, Nancy (2013), Fortunes of Feminism: From State-Managed Capitalism to Neoliberal Crisis, London and New York: Verso.
本文聚焦于对过去15年在“土耳其”掌权的正义与发展党新自由主义政权的批评话语,旨在反思女权主义知识分子/活动家以及其他批评正义与发展党政治的政治团体所使用的概念设置和词汇。由于女权主义的反话语被认为是公共舆论建设过程中的一个互动部分,而不是只关注女权主义知识分子和活动家的论点,因此,包括女权主义者在内的不同反对团体的批评话语被从关系和历史的角度进行分析。本文将从两个不同的阶段对正义与发展党长期的霸权进行分析。在每个阶段,随着正义与发展党执政或政府理性(构建社会共识的策略)从保守的新自由主义转向更专制的新自由主义模式,反对派团体的话语框架都发生了重要变化。论文认为,尽管他们成功地审查了凯末尔主义的民族主义和现代化项目,但任何这些反批判立场,包括女权主义反对派,都可能有效地反对正义与发展党基于新自由主义的霸权统治。这一观点与弗雷泽对第二波女权主义在西方反对新自由主义的失败的历史分析产生了共鸣,即向后福特主义、跨国和新自由主义资本主义的转变。尽管我对弗雷泽的方法持批评态度,但我发现以下问题非常相关:第二波女权主义及其新左翼对手与新自由主义之间是否存在一种地下的选择性亲和力?这是正义与发展党第二阶段女权主义者讨论的热门话题。本文最后分析了这场辩论的不同理论政治立场和话语限制,这似乎对任何反对团体发展更全面和更复杂的新自由主义理论分析非常有益。提供一个替代的理论框架,绕过上述立场的失败是另一个问题,超出了本文的限制。*南希·弗雷泽;Henry A.和Louise Loeb,(2007)“承认时代的女权主义政治:性别正义的二维途径”,《社会正义研究》,第1卷,第1期,2007年冬季;南希·弗雷泽(2009),《女权主义、资本主义与历史的狡诈》,《新左派评论》,第97-117页;南希·弗雷泽(2013),《女权主义的命运:从国家管理的资本主义到新自由主义危机》,伦敦和纽约:反之。
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引用次数: 0
Introduction : transformations du régime du genre en Turquie 导论:土耳其性别制度的转变
Pub Date : 2018-10-15 DOI: 10.4000/cedref.1083
A. Kian, Buket Turkmen
Cet ouvrage collectif est issu d’une journee d’etudes organisee par Azadeh Kian et Buket Turkmen pour le CEDREF, qui s’est tenue le 22 mars 2017 a l’universite Paris Diderot avec le soutien financier de l’action structurante PluriGenre. Il s’agissait d’une journee en solidarite avec les collegues de la Turquie specialistes en etudes de genre qui, signataires de la petition pour la paix, ont ete limogees par le pouvoir. Le 11 janvier 2016, 1128 universitaires de Turquie ont signe une petition ...
这本集体著作是由Azadeh Kian和Buket Turkmen为CEDREF组织的一天研究的结果,该研究于2017年3月22日在巴黎狄德罗大学举行,得到了action structurante PluriGenre的财政支持。这一天是为了声援土耳其性别研究专家的同事,他们签署了和平请愿书,但被政府解雇。2016年1月11日,1128名土耳其学者签署了一份请愿书……
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引用次数: 0
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Les cahiers du CEDREF
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