Pub Date : 2021-02-01DOI: 10.47200/INTERSECTIONS.V6I1.588
Aji Permana Putra
Learning during the pandemic is carried out online (in a network) by paying attention to the situation and conditions when the Covid-19 outbreak hit the whole world. Online learning began in 2020 to be precise in March so that up to this research it had been exactly one year. However, in its implementation, there are many discrepancies, this is indicated by several problems that occur in the field. From the research results, it was found that the online learning models that were widely used were WAG (Whatsapp Group), Google For Education (Google Form, Google Classroom, Google Drive), Youtube, Zoom Meeting. The obstacles experienced were unstable communication signals, exhausted internet quota, parents' cellphones brought to work, students accompanied by their parents working on assignments at night. Meanwhile, the advantages of online learning are flexible, complete reference sources, and adaptive to technology. Of the student activity level, only 50% are fully active in online learning, 32% are active and the remaining 28% are inactive
{"title":"EFEKTIFITAS PEMBELAJARAN ONLINE SELAMA PANDEMI COVID-19, METODE DAN EVALUASI","authors":"Aji Permana Putra","doi":"10.47200/INTERSECTIONS.V6I1.588","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.47200/INTERSECTIONS.V6I1.588","url":null,"abstract":"Learning during the pandemic is carried out online (in a network) by paying attention to the situation and conditions when the Covid-19 outbreak hit the whole world. Online learning began in 2020 to be precise in March so that up to this research it had been exactly one year. However, in its implementation, there are many discrepancies, this is indicated by several problems that occur in the field. From the research results, it was found that the online learning models that were widely used were WAG (Whatsapp Group), Google For Education (Google Form, Google Classroom, Google Drive), Youtube, Zoom Meeting. The obstacles experienced were unstable communication signals, exhausted internet quota, parents' cellphones brought to work, students accompanied by their parents working on assignments at night. Meanwhile, the advantages of online learning are flexible, complete reference sources, and adaptive to technology. Of the student activity level, only 50% are fully active in online learning, 32% are active and the remaining 28% are inactive","PeriodicalId":31153,"journal":{"name":"Intersections","volume":"74 1","pages":"13-22"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72677044","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.17356/ieejsp.v7i1.579
Kiryl Kascian
The article analyzes the capacities and channels of Lithuania's minority representation in the European Parliament. Possible minority representation can potentially be achieved through representation of minorities in the electoral lists of Lithuania's mainstream parties or by self-organization around minority coalition led by the Electoral Action of Poles in Lithuania – Christian Families Alliance (EAPL-CFA). However, these two channels demonstrate two different outcomes. First, the article discusses the role of minority representatives in the mainstream parties focusing on the cases of Viktor Uspaskich and Leonidas Donskis. It is followed by the analysis of the electoral performances of the EAPL-CFA with the emphasis on the party’s general political capacities, abilities to keep its current and attract the new electorate, and the leadership issues taking into account personalistic factors and a series of scandals that happened in 2018 and involved the leadership of the Union of Poles in Lithuania.
{"title":"The Representation of Lithuania’s National Minorities in the European Parliament: Just Poles?","authors":"Kiryl Kascian","doi":"10.17356/ieejsp.v7i1.579","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17356/ieejsp.v7i1.579","url":null,"abstract":"The article analyzes the capacities and channels of Lithuania's minority representation in the European Parliament. Possible minority representation can potentially be achieved through representation of minorities in the electoral lists of Lithuania's mainstream parties or by self-organization around minority coalition led by the Electoral Action of Poles in Lithuania – Christian Families Alliance (EAPL-CFA). However, these two channels demonstrate two different outcomes. First, the article discusses the role of minority representatives in the mainstream parties focusing on the cases of Viktor Uspaskich and Leonidas Donskis. It is followed by the analysis of the electoral performances of the EAPL-CFA with the emphasis on the party’s general political capacities, abilities to keep its current and attract the new electorate, and the leadership issues taking into account personalistic factors and a series of scandals that happened in 2018 and involved the leadership of the Union of Poles in Lithuania.","PeriodicalId":31153,"journal":{"name":"Intersections","volume":"70 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74130997","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.17356/ieejsp.v7i3.799
Anna Urbanovics, Bálint Teleki
The COVID-19 pandemic and the related political and economic crisis had serious negative effects on most Mediterranean countries. The paper aims to examine the measures introduced by the governments concerned to ease the crisis both from a quantitative and qualitative perspective. The impact of the activities of similar purpose of the institutions of the European Union are also the focus of the research, with emphasis on the state-aid framework of the European Commission aimed at supporting the economy, and the unfortunate speech of 12 March, 2020 of ECB president Christine Lagarde, which endangered the euro and caused an extreme increase in the sovereign spreads in most of the countries concerned, endangering their banking systems. The main expected results of the research are as follows. Based on the analysis of legislative measures and communications, an evaluation of the relevant actors (governments and EU institutions) will be established. This will be supplemented with the potential implications of the research for future decision-makers concerning how they can learn from how the crisis in these countries was (mis)treated.
{"title":"The economic context of the COVID-19 pandemic in the Mediterranean countries : A comparative analysis","authors":"Anna Urbanovics, Bálint Teleki","doi":"10.17356/ieejsp.v7i3.799","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17356/ieejsp.v7i3.799","url":null,"abstract":"The COVID-19 pandemic and the related political and economic crisis had serious negative effects on most Mediterranean countries. The paper aims to examine the measures introduced by the governments concerned to ease the crisis both from a quantitative and qualitative perspective. The impact of the activities of similar purpose of the institutions of the European Union are also the focus of the research, with emphasis on the state-aid framework of the European Commission aimed at supporting the economy, and the unfortunate speech of 12 March, 2020 of ECB president Christine Lagarde, which endangered the euro and caused an extreme increase in the sovereign spreads in most of the countries concerned, endangering their banking systems. The main expected results of the research are as follows. Based on the analysis of legislative measures and communications, an evaluation of the relevant actors (governments and EU institutions) will be established. This will be supplemented with the potential implications of the research for future decision-makers concerning how they can learn from how the crisis in these countries was (mis)treated.","PeriodicalId":31153,"journal":{"name":"Intersections","volume":"66 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79079693","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.17356/ieejsp.v7i1.866
András Bozóki
{"title":"Book Review : Gábor Scheiring (2020). The Retreat of Liberal Democracy: Authoritarian Capitalism and the Accumulative State in Hungary. New York, Palgrave Macmillan. XXVII, 367 pages","authors":"András Bozóki","doi":"10.17356/ieejsp.v7i1.866","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17356/ieejsp.v7i1.866","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":31153,"journal":{"name":"Intersections","volume":"84 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79344750","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.17356/ieejsp.v7i4.903
Dániel Mikecz
The paper investigates the emotional, grief-based resilience-building of a social movement, the Living Memorial in Hungary. The movement was initiated in 2014 as the Hungarian government announced the installation of a memorial of the German occupation of 1944, which denied the responsibility of the Hungarian state in the Holocaust. The Living Memorial aimed to contradict the government’s memorial by offering an inclusive remembrance through telling personal, family stories. A grounded analysis revealed three different actions were realised by the Living Memorial, which all enhanced the resilience of the group on different levels. The discussion of personal and family stories and sharing grief reinforced the collective identity of the group. The personal remembrance also helped to deconstruct the government’s memorial. The political discussions and presentations raised the political consciousness of the participants and strengthened their self-image as competent political actors. It is also revealed that resilience in the case of the Living Memorial was built by a continuous process of reframing and community-building and also by the simultaneous recall and rationalisation of grief and relating emotions.
{"title":"The Living Memorial movement","authors":"Dániel Mikecz","doi":"10.17356/ieejsp.v7i4.903","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17356/ieejsp.v7i4.903","url":null,"abstract":"The paper investigates the emotional, grief-based resilience-building of a social movement, the Living Memorial in Hungary. The movement was initiated in 2014 as the Hungarian government announced the installation of a memorial of the German occupation of 1944, which denied the responsibility of the Hungarian state in the Holocaust. The Living Memorial aimed to contradict the government’s memorial by offering an inclusive remembrance through telling personal, family stories. A grounded analysis revealed three different actions were realised by the Living Memorial, which all enhanced the resilience of the group on different levels. The discussion of personal and family stories and sharing grief reinforced the collective identity of the group. The personal remembrance also helped to deconstruct the government’s memorial. The political discussions and presentations raised the political consciousness of the participants and strengthened their self-image as competent political actors. It is also revealed that resilience in the case of the Living Memorial was built by a continuous process of reframing and community-building and also by the simultaneous recall and rationalisation of grief and relating emotions.","PeriodicalId":31153,"journal":{"name":"Intersections","volume":"58 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77838636","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.17356/ieejsp.v7i3.804
Anna Vancsó, Zoltán Kmetty
In crises, the importance of solidarity becomes crucial. Religious organizations, as members of civil society, have an essential role in promoting and participating in solidarity action. Dominant religious organizations thus can have the power to shape the image of solidarity in a crisis and, by creating a dominant narrative, to strengthen their social position. In times of crisis, hidden religious narratives could gain visibility, and religious authority could also gain more power. But in the previous migration crisis, religious actors failed to fulfill their solidarity role actively, and were unable to strengthen their public position in Hungary. We used both quantitative and qualitative text analysis methods to understand the role of religious actors in solidarity action during the COVID-19 pandemic. We have blended these methods with network analysis techniques to present the role of different actors in this communication process. Our results show that the appearance of religious or church-related actors does not infer a religious interpretation, per se. Many articles mentioned church-related organizations as good examples of solidarity, but this was not embedded into the religious narrative. Religious actors mentioned together with political actors were more visible in online media, but the lack of the former’s own voice also shows the decreasing power of religious authority. However, we found religious narratives that called for new understanding and interpretations of the pandemic and its effect on society and the future, but those interpretations were represented mainly by Pope Francis, and echoed by only a few Hungarian actors, showing the lack of dominant and politically independent religious narratives about social issues in the media or the public sphere.
{"title":"Dominant Christian narratives of solidarity during the COVID pandemic in Hungary","authors":"Anna Vancsó, Zoltán Kmetty","doi":"10.17356/ieejsp.v7i3.804","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17356/ieejsp.v7i3.804","url":null,"abstract":"In crises, the importance of solidarity becomes crucial. Religious organizations, as members of civil society, have an essential role in promoting and participating in solidarity action. Dominant religious organizations thus can have the power to shape the image of solidarity in a crisis and, by creating a dominant narrative, to strengthen their social position. In times of crisis, hidden religious narratives could gain visibility, and religious authority could also gain more power. But in the previous migration crisis, religious actors failed to fulfill their solidarity role actively, and were unable to strengthen their public position in Hungary. We used both quantitative and qualitative text analysis methods to understand the role of religious actors in solidarity action during the COVID-19 pandemic. We have blended these methods with network analysis techniques to present the role of different actors in this communication process. Our results show that the appearance of religious or church-related actors does not infer a religious interpretation, per se. Many articles mentioned church-related organizations as good examples of solidarity, but this was not embedded into the religious narrative. Religious actors mentioned together with political actors were more visible in online media, but the lack of the former’s own voice also shows the decreasing power of religious authority. However, we found religious narratives that called for new understanding and interpretations of the pandemic and its effect on society and the future, but those interpretations were represented mainly by Pope Francis, and echoed by only a few Hungarian actors, showing the lack of dominant and politically independent religious narratives about social issues in the media or the public sphere.","PeriodicalId":31153,"journal":{"name":"Intersections","volume":"13 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87135145","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.17356/ieejsp.v7i3.786
Ráchel Surányi
The COVID-19 pandemic has hit us hard. It is not only difficult in terms of psychological and medical issues, but it has turned into an economic crisis as well. One of the most significant ‘side effects’ of the first wave was widespread remote work, which was not regular – many people had to work from home while also taking care of their loved ones (be they children or other family members, or friends). Our research – part of an EU-funded project on sustainable mobility – was carried out in the city of Szeged (Hungary) among seven companies/employers. As the project was strongly affected by the crisis, the research focused on the impact of COVID19 and the lockdown on remote work. How did remote work affect employees’ mental, physical, and social wellbeing? How did employers and employees deal with the new situation? What can we learn from this crisis regarding the relationship between remote work and mental health? To find answers to our questions, we used mixed methods, i.e., combined qualitative with quantitative methodology. This case study analyses the related difficulties and challenges from the employee point of view and sheds light on some of the good practices and measures which can be applied by other companies.
{"title":"Gaining trust and remaining mentally sane while working from home : The importance of employee wellbeing","authors":"Ráchel Surányi","doi":"10.17356/ieejsp.v7i3.786","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17356/ieejsp.v7i3.786","url":null,"abstract":"The COVID-19 pandemic has hit us hard. It is not only difficult in terms of psychological and medical issues, but it has turned into an economic crisis as well. One of the most significant ‘side effects’ of the first wave was widespread remote work, which was not regular – many people had to work from home while also taking care of their loved ones (be they children or other family members, or friends). Our research – part of an EU-funded project on sustainable mobility – was carried out in the city of Szeged (Hungary) among seven companies/employers. As the project was strongly affected by the crisis, the research focused on the impact of COVID19 and the lockdown on remote work. How did remote work affect employees’ mental, physical, and social wellbeing? How did employers and employees deal with the new situation? What can we learn from this crisis regarding the relationship between remote work and mental health? To find answers to our questions, we used mixed methods, i.e., combined qualitative with quantitative methodology. This case study analyses the related difficulties and challenges from the employee point of view and sheds light on some of the good practices and measures which can be applied by other companies.","PeriodicalId":31153,"journal":{"name":"Intersections","volume":"24 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85341568","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.17356/ieejsp.v7i3.789
Emília Barna, Ágnes Blaskó
The COVID-19 pandemic restrictions in 2020 included the cancellation of live music events in large numbers, leaving a majority of music industry workers – not only musicians, but also sound and light technicians, roadies, managers, and promoters – at least temporarily out of work. The situation was characterised by general uncertainty, both with regard to future restrictions or their easing, and with regard to the willingness of the Hungarian government to lend a hand to the industry and its workers. The question of state support and reliance on it was thus brought into sharp focus – the fate of the music industry and industry actors taking a stance received significant media attention, and online discussions involving organisers and concert or festival promoters abounded, especially during the first two ‘lockdown’ months. Our paper explores the collective images, perceptions, and attitudes of cultural workers working in the Hungarian music industries related to their own work, their creative autonomy, and the relations of dependence in the industry through an analysis of six sociodrama groups undertaken with the participation of music industry workers before and during the pandemic. We explored, first, how workers view the role of the state and the market in their work, and the playing field in which they are situated, and whether and how the pandemic crisis has affected this. Second, what kinds of potential strategies of coping and surviving the workers identify in light of the crisis situation.
{"title":"Music industry workers’ autonomy and (un)changing relations of dependency in the wake of COVID-19 in Hungary : Conclusions of a sociodrama research project","authors":"Emília Barna, Ágnes Blaskó","doi":"10.17356/ieejsp.v7i3.789","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17356/ieejsp.v7i3.789","url":null,"abstract":"The COVID-19 pandemic restrictions in 2020 included the cancellation of live music events in large numbers, leaving a majority of music industry workers – not only musicians, but also sound and light technicians, roadies, managers, and promoters – at least temporarily out of work. The situation was characterised by general uncertainty, both with regard to future restrictions or their easing, and with regard to the willingness of the Hungarian government to lend a hand to the industry and its workers. The question of state support and reliance on it was thus brought into sharp focus – the fate of the music industry and industry actors taking a stance received significant media attention, and online discussions involving organisers and concert or festival promoters abounded, especially during the first two ‘lockdown’ months. Our paper explores the collective images, perceptions, and attitudes of cultural workers working in the Hungarian music industries related to their own work, their creative autonomy, and the relations of dependence in the industry through an analysis of six sociodrama groups undertaken with the participation of music industry workers before and during the pandemic. We explored, first, how workers view the role of the state and the market in their work, and the playing field in which they are situated, and whether and how the pandemic crisis has affected this. Second, what kinds of potential strategies of coping and surviving the workers identify in light of the crisis situation.","PeriodicalId":31153,"journal":{"name":"Intersections","volume":"161 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86301167","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.17356/ieejsp.v7i4.828
Alejandro Esteso-Pérez
To what extent are social movements capable of steering voters’ choices in illiberal societies? This paper departs from a corruption-based conception of illiberalism, whereby ‘the misuse of public office for private gain’ in the shape of bribery, nepotism, clientelism and misuse of public party funding, presents itself as one of the foremost components of illiberal rule. Through the empirical exploration of Macedonia’s 2016 Colourful Revolution, this paper aims to examine the potential of Anti-Corruption Movements (ACMs) in enhancing the electoral punishment of illiberal elites. Drawing from original survey data and a set of semi-structured interviews with representatives of the Colourful Revolution and members of the Macedonian civil society, this paper aims at shedding light upon the effects of ACMs on electoral behaviour and, ultimately, on the political potential of ACMs in the reversal of a country’s illiberal course. The study finds strong indicators pointing to the Colourful Revolution’s encouraging role in stoking increasingly negative perceptions towards Macedonia’s illiberal government ahead of the 2016 election, but primarily among voters that had not supported the main government party in the previous election.
{"title":"Illiberalism, revolution and the 2016 Macedonian elections","authors":"Alejandro Esteso-Pérez","doi":"10.17356/ieejsp.v7i4.828","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17356/ieejsp.v7i4.828","url":null,"abstract":"To what extent are social movements capable of steering voters’ choices in illiberal societies? This paper departs from a corruption-based conception of illiberalism, whereby ‘the misuse of public office for private gain’ in the shape of bribery, nepotism, clientelism and misuse of public party funding, presents itself as one of the foremost components of illiberal rule. Through the empirical exploration of Macedonia’s 2016 Colourful Revolution, this paper aims to examine the potential of Anti-Corruption Movements (ACMs) in enhancing the electoral punishment of illiberal elites. Drawing from original survey data and a set of semi-structured interviews with representatives of the Colourful Revolution and members of the Macedonian civil society, this paper aims at shedding light upon the effects of ACMs on electoral behaviour and, ultimately, on the political potential of ACMs in the reversal of a country’s illiberal course. The study finds strong indicators pointing to the Colourful Revolution’s encouraging role in stoking increasingly negative perceptions towards Macedonia’s illiberal government ahead of the 2016 election, but primarily among voters that had not supported the main government party in the previous election.","PeriodicalId":31153,"journal":{"name":"Intersections","volume":"173 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76390152","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.17356/ieejsp.v7i4.856
Richard McNeil-Willson
This article examines how repression is being wielded by the Russian Federation in Crimea against Muslim Tatar communities under the guise of countering terrorism and violent extremism, and how non-violent resistance and grassroots resilience is being fostered as a means of countering securitisation. The case demonstrates how language developed within a Western security context are co-opted by authoritarian actors, how Islamic activist groups engage in activities that can be framed as ‘resilience-building’ through the language of human rights, freedom of press and democracy, and the issues raised by applying the term ‘resilience’ within a counterterrorism context—both in illiberal and liberal settings. The article finds that techniques comparable to concepts of resilience-building are being conducted in an illiberal setting by communities in response to, and as a counter against highly repressive articulations of counterterrorism. It also suggests that the term ‘resilience’ is problematic in this context, failing to adequately account for—and often actively obscuring—organisational activism of communities and their interaction with the political context. This offers an understanding of community-led responses against counterterrorism and counter-extremism as a tool of repression as well as examining the credibility of terms such as ‘resilience’ within CVE in Crimea and elsewhere.
{"title":"Resilience against counterterrorism?","authors":"Richard McNeil-Willson","doi":"10.17356/ieejsp.v7i4.856","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17356/ieejsp.v7i4.856","url":null,"abstract":"This article examines how repression is being wielded by the Russian Federation in Crimea against Muslim Tatar communities under the guise of countering terrorism and violent extremism, and how non-violent resistance and grassroots resilience is being fostered as a means of countering securitisation. The case demonstrates how language developed within a Western security context are co-opted by authoritarian actors, how Islamic activist groups engage in activities that can be framed as ‘resilience-building’ through the language of human rights, freedom of press and democracy, and the issues raised by applying the term ‘resilience’ within a counterterrorism context—both in illiberal and liberal settings. The article finds that techniques comparable to concepts of resilience-building are being conducted in an illiberal setting by communities in response to, and as a counter against highly repressive articulations of counterterrorism. It also suggests that the term ‘resilience’ is problematic in this context, failing to adequately account for—and often actively obscuring—organisational activism of communities and their interaction with the political context. This offers an understanding of community-led responses against counterterrorism and counter-extremism as a tool of repression as well as examining the credibility of terms such as ‘resilience’ within CVE in Crimea and elsewhere.","PeriodicalId":31153,"journal":{"name":"Intersections","volume":"9 3 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76056139","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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