The presented text analyzes the role of the EU and the Czech Republic (CR) in the Western Balkans in the context of enlargement policy, which has been revised through the new methodology. The research is based on a case study covering a defined period of time. The research premise states that the role of the EU and the Czech Republic in the Western Balkans is shaped by internal and external influences, rather than the specific situation and challenges in the Western Balkans region. The argumentation is based on the role theory and verifies the extent to which the Czech Republic acts as a mediator and regional subsystem collaborator or bridge within the EU to WB. In the future EU should set out clear and concrete changes that candidate states should make; should clearly define benefits that the state will receive after meeting the requirements and identify clear disadvantages or losses that will follow non-compliance. The author finds that both the EU and the Member States should have a stronger and more dynamic role in the accession process of the candidate countries.
{"title":"Enlargement policy and the Western Balkans: The role of the Czech Republic and the EU in the context of the new enlargement methodology","authors":"H. Bauerová","doi":"10.2298/medjp2203367b","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2298/medjp2203367b","url":null,"abstract":"The presented text analyzes the role of the EU and the Czech Republic (CR) in\u0000 the Western Balkans in the context of enlargement policy, which has been\u0000 revised through the new methodology. The research is based on a case study\u0000 covering a defined period of time. The research premise states that the role\u0000 of the EU and the Czech Republic in the Western Balkans is shaped by\u0000 internal and external influences, rather than the specific situation and\u0000 challenges in the Western Balkans region. The argumentation is based on the\u0000 role theory and verifies the extent to which the Czech Republic acts as a\u0000 mediator and regional subsystem collaborator or bridge within the EU to WB.\u0000 In the future EU should set out clear and concrete changes that candidate\u0000 states should make; should clearly define benefits that the state will\u0000 receive after meeting the requirements and identify clear disadvantages or\u0000 losses that will follow non-compliance. The author finds that both the EU\u0000 and the Member States should have a stronger and more dynamic role in the\u0000 accession process of the candidate countries.","PeriodicalId":316095,"journal":{"name":"Medjunarodni problemi","volume":"33 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115698617","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The paper analyzes the process of institutionalization of intergovernmental cooperation and coordination of state policies through the mechanism of cooperation between the countries of Central and Eastern Europe (CEEC) and China, known in the public as ?16 + 1? (i.e., ?17 + 1? starting in 2019). Through an eclectic picture of the development of contemporary international relations, the authors indicate in a methodologically accessible manner that this mechanism of cooperation is a significant impetus for the development of international relations. Since China has taken a dominant role in redefining the Global Management System, whose goals are balanced and sustainable international development, to achieve them, China has identified certain ideological frameworks that are present in its foreign policy through the Belt and Road Initiative. Through this Initiative, China seeks to achieve the broader goals of the New Silk Road development strategy, which not only determines the directions of China?s internal development, but provides guidance for its strategic cooperation with neighbouring countries as well as with countries on other continents. Consequently, the mechanism itself thus plays an important role in strengthening China?s foreign policy position, not only with respect to CEEC, but also with respect to other European countries, including the EU as a whole.
{"title":"CEEC’s-China mechanism of cooperation and the belt and road initiative: From idea to institutionalisation - six years later","authors":"D. Dimitrijević, N. Jokanović","doi":"10.2298/medjp2002311d","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2298/medjp2002311d","url":null,"abstract":"The paper analyzes the process of institutionalization of intergovernmental\u0000 cooperation and coordination of state policies through the mechanism of\u0000 cooperation between the countries of Central and Eastern Europe (CEEC) and\u0000 China, known in the public as ?16 + 1? (i.e., ?17 + 1? starting in 2019).\u0000 Through an eclectic picture of the development of contemporary international\u0000 relations, the authors indicate in a methodologically accessible manner that\u0000 this mechanism of cooperation is a significant impetus for the development\u0000 of international relations. Since China has taken a dominant role in\u0000 redefining the Global Management System, whose goals are balanced and\u0000 sustainable international development, to achieve them, China has identified\u0000 certain ideological frameworks that are present in its foreign policy\u0000 through the Belt and Road Initiative. Through this Initiative, China seeks\u0000 to achieve the broader goals of the New Silk Road development strategy,\u0000 which not only determines the directions of China?s internal development,\u0000 but provides guidance for its strategic cooperation with neighbouring\u0000 countries as well as with countries on other continents. Consequently, the\u0000 mechanism itself thus plays an important role in strengthening China?s\u0000 foreign policy position, not only with respect to CEEC, but also with\u0000 respect to other European countries, including the EU as a whole.","PeriodicalId":316095,"journal":{"name":"Medjunarodni problemi","volume":"9 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125153599","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The subject of this paper is the causes and consequences of the Ukrainian crisis. The armed conflict between the two Slavic peoples is a tragic epilogue of decades of processes in the relations between Russia and the United States. NATO's expansion to the east, despite the promises made, has permanently exacerbated the conflict between the two leading military powers. The aim of this research is to discover the essence and cause of the conflict that led to armed actions as well as the theoretical foundation of current geopolitical processes. The concepts of Western geopoliticians, contained in the works of Mackinder and Spikeman, offer an explanation of the ambitions and strategic goals of Anglo-Saxon geopolitics that have not changed since the 19th century. The basic hypothesis is that the long-term economic goals of the dominant geopolitical forces lie behind the Ukrainian crisis. The evolution of Ukraine's geopolitical position, which has been torn between East and West since independence, has been followed chronologically. The permanent deterioration of relations with Russia will eventually lead to an armed conflict. The consequences will be felt most by Ukraine but also by Russia, on which unprecedented sanctions have been imposed. However, there will also be consequences for the European Union, which is deprived of Russian energy and raw materials, world stability, and the overall world economy, which is significantly lowering growth rates. The solution to the deepest political, economic, and military crisis since the Second World War will be reached when the United States and Russia agree on it, with or without the participation of Ukraine.
{"title":"The sword of Damocles in global stability","authors":"Miloš Todorović, Milan Kalinović","doi":"10.2298/medjp2202183t","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2298/medjp2202183t","url":null,"abstract":"The subject of this paper is the causes and consequences of the Ukrainian\u0000 crisis. The armed conflict between the two Slavic peoples is a tragic\u0000 epilogue of decades of processes in the relations between Russia and the\u0000 United States. NATO's expansion to the east, despite the promises made, has\u0000 permanently exacerbated the conflict between the two leading military\u0000 powers. The aim of this research is to discover the essence and cause of the\u0000 conflict that led to armed actions as well as the theoretical foundation of\u0000 current geopolitical processes. The concepts of Western geopoliticians,\u0000 contained in the works of Mackinder and Spikeman, offer an explanation of\u0000 the ambitions and strategic goals of Anglo-Saxon geopolitics that have not\u0000 changed since the 19th century. The basic hypothesis is that the long-term\u0000 economic goals of the dominant geopolitical forces lie behind the Ukrainian\u0000 crisis. The evolution of Ukraine's geopolitical position, which has been\u0000 torn between East and West since independence, has been followed\u0000 chronologically. The permanent deterioration of relations with Russia will\u0000 eventually lead to an armed conflict. The consequences will be felt most by\u0000 Ukraine but also by Russia, on which unprecedented sanctions have been\u0000 imposed. However, there will also be consequences for the European Union,\u0000 which is deprived of Russian energy and raw materials, world stability, and\u0000 the overall world economy, which is significantly lowering growth rates. The\u0000 solution to the deepest political, economic, and military crisis since the\u0000 Second World War will be reached when the United States and Russia agree on\u0000 it, with or without the participation of Ukraine.","PeriodicalId":316095,"journal":{"name":"Medjunarodni problemi","volume":"31 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114574579","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The transformation of war, as a result of the overall social changes in the postmodern, reflects significant changes in its physiognomy. These changes could be observed by getting answers to fundamental and eternal questions about war - between whom it is fought, why it is waged and, lastly, how it is waged. In the case of the armed conflict in Syria, the answers to these questions indicate that the nature of the war has remained the same and that only its character has changed, especially with regard to a conceptual approach based on reducing the effectiveness of a military instrument of power and increasing others in achieving the ultimate strategic goals of the war. This disproves the claims of theorists and strategists, representatives of the theoretical direction of the ?new wars?, who believe that the characteristics of the postmodern wars are fundamentally different from those of the modern era which are considered as ?old? wars. The aim of the paper is to illustrate, in the example of the Syrian conflict, that the definitions of war in the form of armed violence and political nature remain firmly embedded in that part of the physiognomy of war that Klauzevic explains as objective or immutable.
{"title":"Physiognomy of the war in the postmodern: A case study of the Syrian armed conflict","authors":"S. Vracar","doi":"10.2298/medjp1904447v","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2298/medjp1904447v","url":null,"abstract":"The transformation of war, as a result of the overall social changes in the\u0000 postmodern, reflects significant changes in its physiognomy. These changes\u0000 could be observed by getting answers to fundamental and eternal questions\u0000 about war - between whom it is fought, why it is waged and, lastly, how it\u0000 is waged. In the case of the armed conflict in Syria, the answers to these\u0000 questions indicate that the nature of the war has remained the same and that\u0000 only its character has changed, especially with regard to a conceptual\u0000 approach based on reducing the effectiveness of a military instrument of\u0000 power and increasing others in achieving the ultimate strategic goals of the\u0000 war. This disproves the claims of theorists and strategists, representatives\u0000 of the theoretical direction of the ?new wars?, who believe that the\u0000 characteristics of the postmodern wars are fundamentally different from\u0000 those of the modern era which are considered as ?old? wars. The aim of the\u0000 paper is to illustrate, in the example of the Syrian conflict, that the\u0000 definitions of war in the form of armed violence and political nature remain\u0000 firmly embedded in that part of the physiognomy of war that Klauzevic\u0000 explains as objective or immutable.","PeriodicalId":316095,"journal":{"name":"Medjunarodni problemi","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129631041","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The paper analyzes the development and perspectives of the European military naval industry. Since the EU is increasingly engaged in maritime military operations in the framework of the Common Security and Defense Policy (CSDP), this field of industry is becoming increasingly important for the functioning of the EU as a strategic actor. Like other military industry sectors (military aeronautics and electronics, land industry), the naval military industry has undergone significant changes since the Cold War and the process of ?banalization? that has affected it. The purpose of this paper is to answer the question to what extent this field of industry is ?Europeanized?, i.e., whether we can discuss about the ?banalization? of the European naval industry, and what consequences these processes have on the national sovereignty of the EU Member States. In order to answer these questions, the paper will first consider the process of ?banalization? of the European military industry. Then, the analysis will focus on the naval military industry sector. The author highlights the fragmentation of this industry and its ?national capture?. Finally, in the third part of the paper, the perspectives of the development of this industry are discussed. It is argued that the European naval military industry is not yet ?Europeanized? and that EU member states continue to favor national producers. However, in the light of new initiatives implemented in the field of development of the EU military equipment market, the military industry as a whole, and therefore the naval military industry, is moving towards increasing homogenization and Europeanization.
{"title":"European military naval industry: From fragmentation to Europenization?","authors":"M. Vukasovic","doi":"10.2298/medjp1903361v","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2298/medjp1903361v","url":null,"abstract":"The paper analyzes the development and perspectives of the European military\u0000 naval industry. Since the EU is increasingly engaged in maritime military\u0000 operations in the framework of the Common Security and Defense Policy\u0000 (CSDP), this field of industry is becoming increasingly important for the\u0000 functioning of the EU as a strategic actor. Like other military industry\u0000 sectors (military aeronautics and electronics, land industry), the naval\u0000 military industry has undergone significant changes since the Cold War and\u0000 the process of ?banalization? that has affected it. The purpose of this\u0000 paper is to answer the question to what extent this field of industry is\u0000 ?Europeanized?, i.e., whether we can discuss about the ?banalization? of the\u0000 European naval industry, and what consequences these processes have on the\u0000 national sovereignty of the EU Member States. In order to answer these\u0000 questions, the paper will first consider the process of ?banalization? of\u0000 the European military industry. Then, the analysis will focus on the naval\u0000 military industry sector. The author highlights the fragmentation of this\u0000 industry and its ?national capture?. Finally, in the third part of the\u0000 paper, the perspectives of the development of this industry are discussed.\u0000 It is argued that the European naval military industry is not yet\u0000 ?Europeanized? and that EU member states continue to favor national\u0000 producers. However, in the light of new initiatives implemented in the field\u0000 of development of the EU military equipment market, the military industry as\u0000 a whole, and therefore the naval military industry, is moving towards\u0000 increasing homogenization and Europeanization.","PeriodicalId":316095,"journal":{"name":"Medjunarodni problemi","volume":"33 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123892778","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The paper analyzes the significance of energy infrastructure for the concept of energy security, the basis of energy security dilemma concept that relied on the need for the protection and strengthening energy infrastructure and the effects of such a dilemma as well. The central hypothesis refers to the positive outcomes of the energy security dilemma, i.e., the assumption that, unlike the classical security dilemma, the energy security dilemma encourages states to cooperate instead of refraining them from doing so. Hence, the focus of authors? attention contains the analysis of three Balkan countries? energy arrangements - Bulgaria, Greece and Yugoslavia - undertaken in order to strengthen their own energy security. The period of research covers the end of the 19th and the entire 20th century highlighting the Cold War period. Comparative historical approach to this topic implies observing the envisaged subject of research in a given historical and political context, especially due to the fact that these countries have changed their borders and status several times throughout history. In that sense, it is necessary to highlight key historical, political and economic characteristics of the countries that marked the appropriate period and made (im)possible undertakings in the field of energy security. The conclusion reached by the authors suggests that the main initiator of the development of energy infrastructure was the increased need of these countries for energy in order to meet their own needs due to accelerated industrialization and urbanization. In addition, within the analyzed case study of Bulgaria, Greece and Yugoslavia, conclusion remarks refer to the fact that energy infrastructure, as well as the need for its protection and strengthening, can contribute to the connection of states, both physically and institutionally, despite their political classification during the Cold War.
{"title":"Cooperation as an (un)expected effect of energy security dilemma: The case study of Bulgaria, Greece and Yugoslavia","authors":"Vladimir Trapara, Nevena Sekaric","doi":"10.2298/medjp1902215t","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2298/medjp1902215t","url":null,"abstract":"The paper analyzes the significance of energy infrastructure for the concept\u0000 of energy security, the basis of energy security dilemma concept that relied\u0000 on the need for the protection and strengthening energy infrastructure and\u0000 the effects of such a dilemma as well. The central hypothesis refers to the\u0000 positive outcomes of the energy security dilemma, i.e., the assumption that,\u0000 unlike the classical security dilemma, the energy security dilemma\u0000 encourages states to cooperate instead of refraining them from doing so.\u0000 Hence, the focus of authors? attention contains the analysis of three Balkan\u0000 countries? energy arrangements - Bulgaria, Greece and Yugoslavia -\u0000 undertaken in order to strengthen their own energy security. The period of\u0000 research covers the end of the 19th and the entire 20th century highlighting\u0000 the Cold War period. Comparative historical approach to this topic implies\u0000 observing the envisaged subject of research in a given historical and\u0000 political context, especially due to the fact that these countries have\u0000 changed their borders and status several times throughout history. In that\u0000 sense, it is necessary to highlight key historical, political and economic\u0000 characteristics of the countries that marked the appropriate period and made\u0000 (im)possible undertakings in the field of energy security. The conclusion\u0000 reached by the authors suggests that the main initiator of the development\u0000 of energy infrastructure was the increased need of these countries for\u0000 energy in order to meet their own needs due to accelerated industrialization\u0000 and urbanization. In addition, within the analyzed case study of Bulgaria,\u0000 Greece and Yugoslavia, conclusion remarks refer to the fact that energy\u0000 infrastructure, as well as the need for its protection and strengthening,\u0000 can contribute to the connection of states, both physically and\u0000 institutionally, despite their political classification during the Cold War.","PeriodicalId":316095,"journal":{"name":"Medjunarodni problemi","volume":"91 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123494359","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The paper analyses the issue of political stability in the context of changes in the positions of major political actors. The altered role of the nation-state in the conditions of globalisation inevitably reflects on the understanding of the security phenomenon. On the other hand, the number and characteristics of security challenges and threats have increased significantly. In addition to the previously present problems, there has been an increase in drug trafficking, illegal migration, human organ trafficking, an escalation of piracy, and the criminalisation of various spheres of life. In the last two years, the world has also faced a new global security problem, this time in the field of health - the COVID-19 pandemic. Practice has shown that (in most cases) the nation-state has become weaker and less independent, and its corresponding state-centric security system is inefficient, costly, cumbersome, and inadequate to many new threats. The strength of this conclusion stems from the analysis of the functioning of the national security system in the case of terrorist attacks, but also from the study of the mechanisms used for overthrowing sovereign states under the decisive influence of external factors.
{"title":"Security component of states’ stability on a national and international level","authors":"Žarko Obradović, M. Mladenovic","doi":"10.2298/medjp2201007o","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2298/medjp2201007o","url":null,"abstract":"The paper analyses the issue of political stability in the context of changes\u0000 in the positions of major political actors. The altered role of the\u0000 nation-state in the conditions of globalisation inevitably reflects on the\u0000 understanding of the security phenomenon. On the other hand, the number and\u0000 characteristics of security challenges and threats have increased\u0000 significantly. In addition to the previously present problems, there has\u0000 been an increase in drug trafficking, illegal migration, human organ\u0000 trafficking, an escalation of piracy, and the criminalisation of various\u0000 spheres of life. In the last two years, the world has also faced a new\u0000 global security problem, this time in the field of health - the COVID-19\u0000 pandemic. Practice has shown that (in most cases) the nation-state has\u0000 become weaker and less independent, and its corresponding state-centric\u0000 security system is inefficient, costly, cumbersome, and inadequate to many\u0000 new threats. The strength of this conclusion stems from the analysis of the\u0000 functioning of the national security system in the case of terrorist\u0000 attacks, but also from the study of the mechanisms used for overthrowing\u0000 sovereign states under the decisive influence of external factors.","PeriodicalId":316095,"journal":{"name":"Medjunarodni problemi","volume":"54 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121744308","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The main hypothesis of this paper is that when it comes to its member states, the European Union does not possess effective legal and political mechanisms to sanction and/or reverse their democratic backsliding. Emphasis is put on the examples of violations of liberal-democratic norms undertaken by governments in Hungary, Poland and Romania, in order to analyse political will, ability, and legitimacy of the European Union to defend basic values stated in the Founding Act. The aim of the author is to examine the impact of questionable political integration of Eastern European countries in regards to the continuation of the enlargement of the Union in the region of the Western Balkans. It is concluded that due to the pragmatic policy of support to the stabilitocracy regimes and, in general, due to the ambivalent attitude towards the future of enlargement, the European Union could face negative consequences in the coming years. Conceding to candidate countries in fulfilling the Copenhagen criteria in exchange for meeting the current geopolitical interests of the European elites (as was the case in some of the earlier EU enlargements) would have following implications for the Union itself: first, internally, casting further doubts on already shaken credibility of the project to build a European identity based on common values; and secondly, externally, the loss of reputation of a normative power that facilitates global relations by spreading its own principles and values.
{"title":"The crisis of democracy in Eastern Europe: (un)successful political integration of new members?","authors":"Dragana Č. Dabić","doi":"10.2298/MEDJP1902188D","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2298/MEDJP1902188D","url":null,"abstract":"The main hypothesis of this paper is that when it comes to its member states,\u0000 the European Union does not possess effective legal and political mechanisms\u0000 to sanction and/or reverse their democratic backsliding. Emphasis is put on\u0000 the examples of violations of liberal-democratic norms undertaken by\u0000 governments in Hungary, Poland and Romania, in order to analyse political\u0000 will, ability, and legitimacy of the European Union to defend basic values\u0000 stated in the Founding Act. The aim of the author is to examine the impact\u0000 of questionable political integration of Eastern European countries in\u0000 regards to the continuation of the enlargement of the Union in the region of\u0000 the Western Balkans. It is concluded that due to the pragmatic policy of\u0000 support to the stabilitocracy regimes and, in general, due to the ambivalent\u0000 attitude towards the future of enlargement, the European Union could face\u0000 negative consequences in the coming years. Conceding to candidate countries\u0000 in fulfilling the Copenhagen criteria in exchange for meeting the current\u0000 geopolitical interests of the European elites (as was the case in some of\u0000 the earlier EU enlargements) would have following implications for the Union\u0000 itself: first, internally, casting further doubts on already shaken\u0000 credibility of the project to build a European identity based on common\u0000 values; and secondly, externally, the loss of reputation of a normative\u0000 power that facilitates global relations by spreading its own principles and\u0000 values.","PeriodicalId":316095,"journal":{"name":"Medjunarodni problemi","volume":"58 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114819271","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
By looking into the case of the latest EU health policy reforms, the author analyses whether the European integration theories are equipped for an explanation of integration outcomes during the Covid-19 pandemic. The author primarily considers theories that hypothesise crises as a critical factor in integration dynamics, i.e., neofunctionalism and post-functionalism. In the last decade, multiple crises have been hitting the European Union (EU), and there have been many attempts to theorise their impact on European integration. Nevertheless, the answers are far from clear-cut regarding whether crises have been beneficial or detrimental to further integration, either in terms of its scope (widening the EU policy areas and/or membership) or level (increasing the EU institutions' competences and/or capacities). After analysing how the crisis has been handled and the reforms taken in the health policy sector, the author concludes that post-functionalist expectations about the crisis triggering Euroscepticism and identity-driven mass politicisation, thereby precluding further integration, have not materialised so far. On the contrary, the Covid-19 crisis has led to an increase in the EU's capacities in some essential policy sectors. Health policy is one. So far, this policy has seen reforms that neofunctionalism would call a build-up - a transfer of more authority to supranational institutions without expanding its formal mandate. As neofunctionalism would expect, the coronavirus crisis triggered an elite politicisation that created an environment conducive to further integration rather than disintegrative outcomes.
{"title":"Theorising the impact of the COVID-19 crisis on European health integration: Crisis-induced reforms","authors":"Ivana Radic-Milosavljevic","doi":"10.2298/medjp2102214r","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2298/medjp2102214r","url":null,"abstract":"By looking into the case of the latest EU health policy reforms, the author\u0000 analyses whether the European integration theories are equipped for an\u0000 explanation of integration outcomes during the Covid-19 pandemic. The author\u0000 primarily considers theories that hypothesise crises as a critical factor in\u0000 integration dynamics, i.e., neofunctionalism and post-functionalism. In the\u0000 last decade, multiple crises have been hitting the European Union (EU), and\u0000 there have been many attempts to theorise their impact on European\u0000 integration. Nevertheless, the answers are far from clear-cut regarding\u0000 whether crises have been beneficial or detrimental to further integration,\u0000 either in terms of its scope (widening the EU policy areas and/or\u0000 membership) or level (increasing the EU institutions' competences and/or\u0000 capacities). After analysing how the crisis has been handled and the reforms\u0000 taken in the health policy sector, the author concludes that\u0000 post-functionalist expectations about the crisis triggering Euroscepticism\u0000 and identity-driven mass politicisation, thereby precluding further\u0000 integration, have not materialised so far. On the contrary, the Covid-19\u0000 crisis has led to an increase in the EU's capacities in some essential\u0000 policy sectors. Health policy is one. So far, this policy has seen reforms\u0000 that neofunctionalism would call a build-up - a transfer of more authority\u0000 to supranational institutions without expanding its formal mandate. As\u0000 neofunctionalism would expect, the coronavirus crisis triggered an elite\u0000 politicisation that created an environment conducive to further integration\u0000 rather than disintegrative outcomes.","PeriodicalId":316095,"journal":{"name":"Medjunarodni problemi","volume":"57 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126566589","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The article examines Turkey?s role in the conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh that erupted between Azerbaijan and Armenia in September 2020. It analyses how changes and continuity in Turkey?s foreign policy have influenced the conflict?s outcome, as well as the extent to which it has been exploited to fulfil Turkey?s foreign policy objectives. Thus, unlike most research on Nagorno-Karabakh, this article focuses on the role of one external actor, and not on the conflict itself or possible hypotheses for its resolution. The article?s special focus was influenced by the fact that Turkey?s participation resulted in a change in the long-standing status quo in Nagorno-Karabakh, allowing the situation to turn dramatically in Baku?s favour. Turkey, along with Russia, has emerged as one of the most important regional players in this conflict. This is the result of Turkey?s emphasised foreign policy ambitions, which were influenced by changes in its international security environment as well as changes in the country?s domestic policy. In any case, with its role in the second conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh, Turkey has once again shown its determination to pursue its foreign, and especially regional, policy independently and in accordance with its national interests, despite being a member of NATO.
{"title":"The role of Turkey in the second Armenian-Azerbaijani armed conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh as a reflection of continuity and change in its foreign policy","authors":"Ana Jovic-Lazic","doi":"10.2298/medjp2201029j","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2298/medjp2201029j","url":null,"abstract":"The article examines Turkey?s role in the conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh that\u0000 erupted between Azerbaijan and Armenia in September 2020. It analyses how\u0000 changes and continuity in Turkey?s foreign policy have influenced the\u0000 conflict?s outcome, as well as the extent to which it has been exploited to\u0000 fulfil Turkey?s foreign policy objectives. Thus, unlike most research on\u0000 Nagorno-Karabakh, this article focuses on the role of one external actor,\u0000 and not on the conflict itself or possible hypotheses for its resolution.\u0000 The article?s special focus was influenced by the fact that Turkey?s\u0000 participation resulted in a change in the long-standing status quo in\u0000 Nagorno-Karabakh, allowing the situation to turn dramatically in Baku?s\u0000 favour. Turkey, along with Russia, has emerged as one of the most important\u0000 regional players in this conflict. This is the result of Turkey?s emphasised\u0000 foreign policy ambitions, which were influenced by changes in its\u0000 international security environment as well as changes in the country?s\u0000 domestic policy. In any case, with its role in the second conflict in\u0000 Nagorno-Karabakh, Turkey has once again shown its determination to pursue\u0000 its foreign, and especially regional, policy independently and in accordance\u0000 with its national interests, despite being a member of NATO.","PeriodicalId":316095,"journal":{"name":"Medjunarodni problemi","volume":"11 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133628271","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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