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“A Steeper Hill to Climb”: The Role and Experience of Student Trustees in Public Higher Education Governing Boards “更陡的山要爬”:学生受托人在公立高等教育管理委员会中的角色和经验
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.15640/jppg.v8n2a2
Raquel M. Rall, Daniel Maxey
The limited literature on student trusteeship leaves many unanswered questions regarding the role, experience, and impact of those within the governance of higher education. To counter the scant research in this area, the authors offer a background for understanding the role and experience of student trustees of public higher education institutions in the U.S. The authors use Bandura‘s (1986) Social Cognitive Theory to expose and highlight how student trustees experience and navigate their roles on the board. Interviews with 30 student trustees from 26 public boards in 21 states indicate that student trustees have unique board experiences influenced by (1) their identities as both student and trustee, (2) their limited terms and representation on the board, (3) their explicit and/or implicit attachment to the student constituency, and (4) their relative inexperience in life, education, and employment in comparison with their laymen peers. Findings have implications for how student trustees are viewed and incorporated on the board in a time when the leadership and ethics of higher education have been called into question.
关于学生托管的有限文献留下了许多关于高等教育治理中角色、经验和影响的悬而未决的问题。为了应对这一领域的研究不足,作者提供了一个背景来理解美国公立高等教育机构学生受托人的角色和经验。作者使用Bandura(1986)的社会认知理论来揭示和强调学生受托人如何体验和处理他们在董事会中的角色。对来自21个州26个公共董事会的30名学生理事的采访表明,受以下因素影响,学生理事有着独特的董事会经历:(1)他们既是学生又是理事的身份;(2)他们在董事会中的任期和代表权有限;(3)他们对学生选区的明确和/或隐性依恋;(4)与外行同龄人相比,他们在生活、教育和就业方面相对缺乏经验。在高等教育的领导力和道德受到质疑的时代,研究结果对如何看待学生受托人以及如何将其纳入董事会产生了影响。
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引用次数: 4
Limits to Power 权力的限制
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.15640/jppg.v8n2a1
Paul C. Trogen
As difficult as it is to gain power, maintaining and exercising it appears even harder. Chinese population policy provides a vivid example of the potential magnitude of power. Yet the evolution of Chinese population policy also demonstrates the serious limits to power. Mao successfully employed ideology and inspiration to lead a guerilla war with minimal bureaucratic infrastruc-ture. Victory gave Mao absolute power. Mao hoped minimizing bureaucracy would maximize his discretion. In-stead weak bureaucratic structures necessitated continued political struggle to maintain control and interfered with Mao’s ability to implement his policies. Reversals of Mao’s population policies allowed population growth to overwhelm the food supply, necessitating more drastic interventions after his death.
与获得力量一样困难的是,保持和锻炼它似乎更难。中国的人口政策为潜在的巨大力量提供了一个生动的例子。然而,中国人口政策的演变也显示出权力的严重局限。毛成功地运用意识形态和灵感,以最少的官僚基础设施领导了一场游击战。胜利给了毛绝对的权力。毛希望最小化官僚主义能最大化他的自由裁量权。相反,薄弱的官僚结构需要持续的政治斗争来维持控制,并干扰毛执行其政策的能力。毛的人口政策的逆转使得人口增长超过了粮食供应,在他死后需要更激烈的干预。
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引用次数: 0
Church-State Relations:Copts between Citizenship, Coptism and Millet System 政教关系:科普特人的公民权、科普特主义与米勒制度
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.15640/jppg.v7n1a1
A. Arafat
This paper explores the roots of the sectarianism against Coptic Christians and how Coptic-state relations are still revolved aroundthe "Millet System", a partnership between the Pope and the president, which has been renovated by president Nasser (1954-1970), consolidated by Mubarak (1981-2011), and revived by president El-Sisi. It also examines different attempts to challenge the "Millet System", whether by Pope Shenouda III in the 1970s or by Coptic activists in 2000s. It also addresses how Coptic Church is wavering between"citizenship", "Coptism" and "Millet System". This paper argues that the "Millet System" is still institutionalizing Coptic-state relations. Second, the "Millet System" is not related to escalation or stopping the sectarian violence against Copts. Third, the popular culture about Christianity resulted from sectarianizing the most conservative elements within the Egyptian society in poor urban and rural areas by the Islamist groups such as the MB, al-Jama’a al-Islamiyya (Islamic Group), and Salafist Call, is responsible for sectarianism and for the clash of identifications between Copts and Muslims. Thus, rules and laws sole will not secure Copts from sectarianism, as long as popular culture is still a dominating factor in the Egyptian society and is still able to create such sectarian environment.
本文探讨了反对科普特基督徒的教派主义的根源,以及科普特国家关系如何仍然围绕着“小米体系”,这是教皇和总统之间的伙伴关系,由纳赛尔总统(1954-1970)翻新,由穆巴拉克(1981-2011)巩固,并由塞西总统恢复。它还考察了挑战“小米制度”的不同尝试,无论是上世纪70年代的教皇谢努达三世(Pope Shenouda III),还是本世纪头十年的科普特活动人士。它也说明了科普特教会如何在“公民权”、“科普特主义”和“小米制度”之间摇摆不定。本文认为,“小米制度”仍在制度化科普特国家关系。其次,“小米制度”与升级或停止针对科普特人的宗派暴力无关。第三,关于基督教的流行文化是由穆斯林兄弟会、al-Jama 'a al-Islamiyya(伊斯兰组织)和萨拉菲斯特呼吁组织等伊斯兰组织将埃及社会中贫穷的城市和农村地区最保守的元素宗派主义所导致的,这些组织对宗派主义和科普特人和穆斯林之间的身份冲突负有责任。因此,只要流行文化仍然是埃及社会的主导因素,并且仍然能够创造这样的宗派环境,那么,规则和法律本身就不能确保科普特人免受宗派主义的影响。
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引用次数: 1
Understanding the Clan Barriers and Religious Perspectives for Women Political Participation and Elections in Somaliland 了解索马里兰妇女政治参与和选举的宗族障碍和宗教观点
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.15640/jppg.v9n1a2
Mohamed A. Mohamoud – Barawani
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引用次数: 0
Ethnic Tensions, Tantalum, and the Effects of the Global Market 民族紧张局势,钽,以及全球市场的影响
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.15640/jppg.v8n1a1
Jonathan Andrew Stewart Honig, Matthew Booth
The phenomenon of illicit wealth being used to fuel conflicts around the world is a well-known subject. Such wealth can come from a variety of sources including human-trafficking, the sale of narcotics, and the exploitation of naturally occurring resources. This last source, specifically of a particular mineral known as coltan (which is also known as tantalum, the refined substance derived from freshly mined raw coltan), is a subject which this article analyzes further. Specifically, this article will attempt to discern whether the discovery and/or presence of deposits of coltan/tantalum will exacerbate previously existing ethnic tensions to the point of violent conflict. In doing so, we utilize the Democratic Republic of Congo as our qualitative case study. Further, this article will attempt to analyze whether increasing global demand for tantalum will cause the value of the mineral to increase in a way which will potentially intensify previously existing ethnic conflicts.
非法财富被用来助长世界各地冲突的现象是一个众所周知的问题。这些财富的来源多种多样,包括贩卖人口、贩卖毒品和开采自然资源。这最后一个来源,特别是一种被称为钶钽铁矿的特殊矿物(也被称为钽,从新开采的原钶钽铁矿中提炼出来的精制物质),是本文进一步分析的主题。具体来说,本文将试图辨别钶钽矿/钽矿的发现和/或存在是否会加剧先前存在的种族紧张关系,达到暴力冲突的程度。在此过程中,我们利用刚果民主共和国作为我们的定性案例研究。此外,本文将试图分析全球对钽的需求增加是否会导致该矿物的价值增加,从而可能加剧先前存在的种族冲突。
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引用次数: 0
Understanding the Clan Barriers and Religious Perspectives for Women Political Partic-ipation and Elections in Somaliland 了解索马里兰妇女政治参与和选举的宗族障碍和宗教观点
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.15640/jppg.v9n2a1
Mohamed A. Mohamoud –Barawani
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引用次数: 0
The Subsistence Logic of the Weak:A Study of Disadvantaged Groups in Urban China 弱者的生存逻辑:中国城市弱势群体研究
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.15640/jppg.v7n1a2
An Chen
Based on field research and a number of personal interviews in China (mostly in Beijing and Anhui), this study attempts to explore the conditions of China‘s ―urban disadvantaged groups‖ (chengshi ruoshi qunti). It addresses four questions. How should we define and classify this social category in China today? How did urban disadvantaged groups take shape under the impact of the market reform? How has the Chinese government handled this potentially explosive social issue? How do the urban disadvantaged people struggle to survive in the highly competitive market economy? We argue that aside from depending on the government‘s assistance and social security system, China‘s urban disadvantaged groups have exhibited an amazing ability of survival by exploiting the flaws and loopholes of the changing social and economic system. To the extent that they are compelled to seek illegitimate and illegal means for survival, the government fails to fulfill its responsibility and thus has to take a lenient or tacit approach, which in turn encourages and gives rise to various survival strategies. Many of these strategies, if not illegal, exist in a grey area between legal and illegal.
本研究基于在中国(主要是在北京和安徽)的实地调查和一些个人访谈,试图探索中国“城市弱势群体”的状况。它解决了四个问题。在今天的中国,我们应该如何定义和分类这个社会类别?在市场化改革的冲击下,城市弱势群体是如何形成的?中国政府是如何处理这个潜在的爆炸性社会问题的?城市弱势群体如何在竞争激烈的市场经济中生存?我们认为,除了依赖政府的援助和社会保障制度,中国城市弱势群体通过利用不断变化的社会经济制度的缺陷和漏洞,表现出了惊人的生存能力。在某种程度上,他们被迫寻求不正当和非法的生存手段,政府没有履行其责任,因此不得不采取宽容或默许的态度,这反过来又鼓励并产生了各种生存策略。许多这样的策略,即使不违法,也存在于合法与非法之间的灰色地带。
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引用次数: 0
Dynamics of Religious Extremism and Terrorism in the Lake Chad Basin: An Explora-tion of the Ideological Variations between Boko Haram and ISWAP 乍得湖流域宗教极端主义与恐怖主义的动态:博科圣地与ISWAP思想差异探析
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.15640/jppg.v9n1a3
Mustapha Salihu
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引用次数: 0
Should people get what they deserve?: Belief in a Just World and Voting Preference in the 2020 Presidential Election 人们应该得到他们应得的吗?:对公正世界的信念与2020年总统大选的投票偏好
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.15640/jppg.v9n1a1
R. Osborne, Christopher A. Baroody
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引用次数: 0
The Defence Expenditures of the NATO Member States 北约成员国的国防开支
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.15640/JPPG.V6N2A2
Herman Matthijs
This article examines the defence expenditures of NATO‟s member countries in recent years. It makes use of the original budget figures of the states as verified by NATO (North Atlantic Treaty Organization) and published by this organization. The research of this study is to examine the following points: How has defence spending by the member states evolved in the period under consideration (2010 – 2017); Which states already meet the targets of the 2014 Wales summit? ( 2% GDP for defence and 20% of this budget for investment )The figures are based on the primary budgetary sources as published by NATO 2 .
本文考察了近年来北约成员国的国防开支。它采用了经北约核实并由该组织公布的各国原始预算数字。本研究的研究旨在考察以下几点:成员国的国防开支在审议期间(2010 - 2017年)是如何演变的;哪些国家已经实现了2014年威尔士峰会的目标?(2%的GDP用于国防,20%的预算用于投资)这些数字是基于北约公布的主要预算来源。
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JOURNAL OF POWER, POLITICS & GOVERNANCE
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