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The Flexible Role of Middlemen in the Nutmeg Distribution Scheme in Maluku 马鲁古地区肉豆蔻分销方案中中间商的灵活作用
Pub Date : 2023-08-21 DOI: 10.22146/pcd.v10i2.7565
Avryana Baso, I Gusti Ngurah Krisna Dana, Ulfa Aulia Syamsuri
Nutmeg cultivation in Banda Neira integrally involves middlemen, brokers who connect nutmeg farmers with the global market. Studies of such middlemen tend to emphasise the negative effects of their relationship with farmers. However, some research on their positive impact has also been conducted. This study seeks to explain the positive effects of middlemen by describing the flexibility of the brokered system. This descriptive-qualitative research, using data sourced from a study of the literature as well as interviews with resource persons, finds that flexibility has been created with the support of a communal social system that has carefully been maintained by middlemen in the nutmeg distribution scheme and supply chain. In the nutmeg distribution scheme, farmers have the option to sell nutmeg to a private actor—PT Kamboti —, but this option is not accessible to all smallholders because of the company’s profit-oriented (market) logic. This study concludes that middlemen play a flexible role, one which is positively and highly related to the social context that they have helped create and maintain. These middlemen tend to present themselves as the brothers, or at least relatives, of the farmers. As these middlemen prioritise social approaches to increase social bonding, there is no resistance to their involvement in the nutmeg distribution scheme in Maluku.
班达内拉的肉豆蔻种植离不开中间商,这些中间商将肉豆蔻种植者与全球市场联系起来。对这些中间商的研究往往强调他们与农民关系的负面影响。然而,对其积极影响也进行了一些研究。本研究试图通过描述中介制度的灵活性来解释中间商的积极作用。这项描述性定性研究使用了来自文献研究和资源人员访谈的数据,发现在公共社会系统的支持下创造了灵活性,该系统由肉豆蔻分销计划和供应链中的中间商精心维护。在肉豆蔻分销计划中,农民可以选择将肉豆蔻出售给私营企业pt Kamboti,但由于该公司以利润为导向(市场)的逻辑,并非所有小农都能获得这一选择。这项研究的结论是,中间人扮演着一个灵活的角色,这个角色与他们帮助创造和维持的社会环境有着积极和高度的关系。这些中间商往往以农民的兄弟,或者至少是亲戚的身份出现。由于这些中间商优先考虑社会途径来增加社会联系,因此他们参与马鲁古肉豆蔻分销计划没有受到抵制。
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引用次数: 0
The Disorientation of the Political Capacity of Indonesian Pro-Democracy Activists 印尼民主运动人士政治能力的迷失
Pub Date : 2023-04-13 DOI: 10.22146/pcd.v10i2.6249
Willy Purna Samadhi
This study examines the political performance of pro-democracy activists in Indonesia after the end of the New Order. Using a democratic transformative politics approach, this study confronts aspects of the political capacity of pro-democracy activists with the need for popular control to work effectively. It finds that activists have been disoriented towards the development of political capacity and popular control. This study contributes to the study of Indonesian democracy by placing the issue of political capacity for building popular control as an integral part of the problem of democracy. The problems of democratisation are not only caused by the domination of political elites who have established oligarchies, but also by pro-democracy activists themselves ignoring the importance of developing collective political capacity as a means of advancing popular control. This study urges pro-democracy activists to re-orient their political capacity building and work with an agenda of consolidating the demos for civic democracy. Pro-democracy activists need to develop a systematic strategy of politicisation to strengthen citizens’ collective power through civic associations as a substitute forconstituents and voters.
本研究考察印尼新秩序结束后民主运动人士的政治表现。使用民主变革的政治方法,本研究面对民主活动人士的政治能力的各个方面,需要民众控制有效地工作。报告发现,积极分子在发展政治能力和民众控制方面已经迷失了方向。这项研究有助于对印度尼西亚民主的研究,因为它把建立民众控制的政治能力问题作为民主问题的一个组成部分。民主化的问题不仅是由于建立了寡头政治的政治精英的统治造成的,而且也是由于民主活动人士自己忽视了发展集体政治能力作为推进民众控制手段的重要性。这项研究敦促亲民主活动人士重新定位他们的政治能力建设,并与巩固公民民主的民主议程一起工作。亲民主活动人士需要制定系统化的政治化策略,通过公民协会代替选民和选民,加强公民的集体力量。
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引用次数: 0
Policy Conflict: A Conflict Analysis of the Relocation Policy of Street Vendors in Simpang Lima, Pati Regency 政策冲突:帕蒂县新邦利马街头摊贩搬迁政策的冲突分析
Pub Date : 2023-04-13 DOI: 10.22146/pcd.v10i2.6312
Bhakti Gusti Walinegoro, Junaidul Fitriyono
This study aims to analyse the conflicts that stemmed from the relocation of street vendors in Simpang Lima, Pati Regency. This conflict is distinct because it is not only related to the refusal to relocate and improve facility quality, but also local government policies that failed to comprehensively address the problem, thereby wasting time and funds. This qualitative research adapts the Policy Conflict Framework (PCF) to analyse data collected through interviews and literature studies. It thus applies the latest and most appropriate framework for comprehensively analysing policy conflicts, particularly those related to the power relations between stakeholders. In so doing, it finds that relocation resulted from a regulatory mandate that was based on considerations made by the government when carrying out public governance. However, this policy created conflicts due to problems with its content and processes. The conflict in this study is evidence that involved actors’ willingness to compromise is one important factor in reducing conflict intensity.
本研究旨在分析帕蒂摄政王新邦利马街头小贩搬迁所引发的冲突。这种矛盾的独特之处在于,它不仅与拒绝搬迁和改善设施质量有关,而且与地方政府未能全面解决问题的政策有关,从而浪费了时间和资金。本定性研究采用政策冲突框架(PCF)来分析通过访谈和文献研究收集的数据。因此,它适用于全面分析政策冲突,特别是与利益相关者之间的权力关系有关的政策冲突的最新和最适当的框架。在这样做的过程中,它发现搬迁是基于政府在实施公共治理时所考虑的监管任务。然而,由于其内容和过程的问题,该政策产生了冲突。本研究中的冲突证明了参与者的妥协意愿是降低冲突强度的一个重要因素。
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引用次数: 0
Knowledge Mobilization of Anti-vaccine Movement in Social Media 社交媒体反疫苗运动的知识动员
Pub Date : 2022-12-30 DOI: 10.22146/pcd.v10i1.5898
N. Widyaningrum, L. Trisnantoro
This study observes social movement in digitalized world along with its role in public policy process. It is especially on how the social movement has access as well as spread and was formed the knowledge in the digitalized world. This study is essential to be further explored in order to enrich the theories of governance and public policies in the digital era. The case to be studied here is anti-vaccine movement in Facebook which has developed in the digitalized world in the context of socio-politics of the Indonesian people in 2018-2019 and using a Content Analysis as method. This study result is that the Anti-vaccine Movement in Indonesia rejected the vaccine program by attacking knowledge hegemony created by medical institutions and government. It has formed a new knowledge by issuing a counter discourse toward the medical discourse. The argument centered on moral anger and structural repression by government agencies, worldwide institutions, pharmacy industries and media and shows the strong logic based on the religious believe idea. This fact shows that the social media plays a role in spreading the ideas of anti-vaccine and gives a way for the movement to develop and to have a strong network which is dynamic and can survive for a long period of time. By mobilizing knowledge through a social movement in the digitalized world, the anti-vaccine movement in Indonesia has a wider network and has a potential to influence the successful of the government program.
本研究观察了数字化世界中的社会运动及其在公共政策过程中的作用。特别是社会运动如何在数字化世界中获取、传播和形成知识。为了丰富数字时代的治理理论和公共政策理论,本研究有必要进行进一步的探索。这里要研究的案例是Facebook的反疫苗运动,该运动是在2018-2019年印度尼西亚人民的社会政治背景下在数字化世界中发展起来的,并使用内容分析作为方法。这项研究的结果是印度尼西亚的反疫苗运动通过攻击医疗机构和政府创造的知识霸权来拒绝疫苗计划。它通过对医学话语的反话语形成了一种新的知识。争论的焦点是道德愤怒和政府机构、国际机构、制药行业和媒体的结构性压制,显示出基于宗教信仰观念的强大逻辑。这一事实表明,社交媒体在传播反疫苗思想方面发挥了作用,为运动的发展提供了途径,并拥有了一个强大的网络,这个网络是动态的,可以长期存在。通过数字化世界中的社会运动调动知识,印度尼西亚的反疫苗运动拥有更广泛的网络,并有可能影响政府方案的成功。
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引用次数: 0
Violent to Non-Violent Displacement 暴力到非暴力的流离失所
Pub Date : 2022-11-18 DOI: 10.22146/pcd.v10i1.5263
Devy Dhian Cahyati‬
This article discusses land contestation as a factor in the creation of agrarian conflict and the marginalisation of local people. Through field research in Register 45 Mesuji, Lampung, the author explores the geographical displacement of the indigenous people and forest squatters who occupied the land since the fall of The New Order. This paper attempts to explain the strategies used by corporations to displace local people and accelerate capital accumulation. In such situations, the state functions to legitimise the process of land displacement. However, where violence is used for displacement, this indicates a failure to uphold the global norm of human rights. This article shows that the process of displacement has continued through contract farming, i.e., partnership programmes used to control the land in Register 45 and limit squatters' access. In this situation, forest squatters are used as labourers who benefit the company by easing its capital accumulation. However, squatters have rejected this mechanism, preferring to remain independent.
本文讨论了土地争夺是造成土地冲突和当地人边缘化的一个因素。作者通过对南榜梅苏吉登记45号的实地调查,探讨了自新秩序垮台以来占领土地的土著人和森林擅自占用者的地理位移。本文试图解释企业取代当地居民、加速资本积累的策略。在这种情况下,国家的职能是使土地迁移过程合法化。然而,如果暴力被用于流离失所,这表明未能维护全球人权准则。这篇文章表明,流离失所的过程继续通过承包农业,即伙伴关系方案来控制第45号登记册上的土地并限制擅自占用者的进入。在这种情况下,森林擅自占用者被用作劳动力,通过缓解公司的资本积累,使公司受益。然而,擅自占用者拒绝这种机制,宁愿保持独立。
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引用次数: 0
Political Clientelism, Family Power and Conflict Permanence in Pilkada 政治庇护主义、家族权力与皮尔卡达冲突的持久性
Pub Date : 2022-11-18 DOI: 10.22146/pcd.v10i1.5417
Ardiman Kelihu
This article examines the relationship between political clientelism and the establishment of family power in local elections. It argues that the use of clientelism networks impacts the creation of family power, the application of which results in the perpetuation of social conflict. Clientelism networks serve as ready-to-use networks which can be mobilised to support relatives during political events. This article uses the case of local elections in Central Maluku (2007–2017) to show the clientelist processes used by the relatives of Tuasikal. The use of alternate clientelism networks enabled the Tuasikal family in Central Maluku to successfully establish power and perpetuate conflicts between supporters and opponents. This study used field observations to collect data in fifteen villages, focusing on the elites and community members involved in the 2007, 2012, and 2017 elections, as well as a review of relevant literature. This study concludes that clientelist practices are used to create political networks to maintain family power and perpetuate conflict between opposing community groups during elections.
本文考察了地方选举中政治庇护主义与家族权力建立的关系。它认为,裙带关系网络的使用影响了家族权力的产生,而家族权力的使用导致了社会冲突的延续。裙带关系网络是一种随时可用的网络,可以在政治事件期间动员起来支持亲属。本文以马鲁古中部的地方选举(2007-2017)为例,展示了图西卡尔的亲属使用的庇护程序。利用替代的庇护主义网络,中央马鲁古的图西卡尔家族成功地建立了权力,并使支持者和反对者之间的冲突永久化。本研究采用实地观察的方法收集了15个村庄的数据,重点研究了参与2007年、2012年和2017年选举的精英和社区成员,并对相关文献进行了回顾。本研究的结论是,在选举期间,庇护主义的做法被用来建立政治网络,以维持家族权力,并使对立社区团体之间的冲突永久化。
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引用次数: 0
Politics of Legitimation 合法性政治
Pub Date : 2022-11-18 DOI: 10.22146/pcd.v10i1.4824
Mahesti Hasanah
This research discusses contract farming—an agreement between farmers and processing and/or marketing firms, usually agribusiness transnational companies (TNCs), under a specific arrangement that commonly includes predetermined prices for the production and supply of agricultural products—in a transnational policy context. The study is dominated by institutionalism and materialism approaches which hold that structural changes coincide with economic development. However, this approaches raises a question about the role of actors in instituting, transferring, and challenging the norms of contract farming. This research seeks to challenge the literature by focusing on how contract farming, as a dual process, constitutes a territory for its actors to claim and reclaim their authority. Drawing on the implementation of agreements between TNCs and small farmers in Davao, Mindanao, we discuss the legitimation process within a context of strong state political control and complicated global market flows. Specifically, this research aims to understand how contract farming institutes a particular type of legitimation through the influence of transnational policy. Using the organisational and institutional legitimation approaches, we understand contract farming as a fluid and openly contested distributing authority. This research uses four data collection methods: desk studies, interviews, focus group discussions, and observation.
本研究讨论了在跨国政策背景下的合同农业——农民与加工和/或营销公司(通常是农业综合跨国公司)之间的协议,在特定安排下,通常包括农产品生产和供应的预定价格。该研究以制度主义和唯物主义为主导,认为结构变化与经济发展是一致的。然而,这种方法提出了一个问题,即行为者在制定、转移和挑战合同农业规范方面的作用。本研究试图通过关注合同农业作为一个双重过程如何构成其参与者主张和收回其权威的领土来挑战文献。根据跨国公司与棉兰老岛达沃小农之间协议的实施情况,我们讨论了在强大的国家政治控制和复杂的全球市场流动背景下的合法化过程。具体而言,本研究旨在了解合同农业如何通过跨国政策的影响建立一种特定类型的合法性。利用组织和制度的合法化方法,我们将合同农业理解为一种流动的、公开竞争的分配权力。本研究采用四种数据收集方法:案头研究、访谈、焦点小组讨论和观察。
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引用次数: 1
Recent Practices of People's Participation in Different Avenues of Rural Local Government 农村地方政府不同途径中人民参与的新实践
Pub Date : 2022-11-18 DOI: 10.22146/pcd.v10i1.5096
Tanjil Ahmed, Azizur Rahman, Tamanna Akter
People's participation in various avenues of local administration is crucial for strengthening decentralisation in Bangladesh, despite the fact that such participation faces significant. The main purpose of this research is to explore the most current trends in people's participation in different avenues of local government. This research also examines the realities and challenges involved in strengthening decentralisation in Bangladesh. Using a quantitative methodology, this research found that different avenues of people's participation in Union Parishads has fostered successful decentralisation since these avenues certify independent participation and enable them to share their opinions and influence decision-making processes. Since decentralisation facilitates the transfer of power from the central to the local level, people's participation is functional within Union Parishads. Moreover, this research demonstrates that most rural people are severely challenged in participating in the different avenues of Union Parishads due to political complexity, institutional corruption, poor education, and general unawareness. The authors therefore suggest that, by implementing public awareness programmes, ensuring the maximum autonomy of local government units, and confirming the accountability and transparency of service providers, people's participation can strengthen the decentralisation of rural local government in Bangladesh.
人民参与地方行政的各种途径对于加强孟加拉国的权力下放至关重要,尽管这种参与面临重大挑战。本研究的主要目的是探讨人民参与地方政府不同途径的最新趋势。本研究还审查了在孟加拉国加强权力下放所涉及的现实和挑战。使用定量方法,这项研究发现,人们参与联合巴黎的不同途径促进了成功的权力下放,因为这些途径证明了他们的独立参与,使他们能够分享意见并影响决策过程。由于权力下放促进了权力从中央向地方的转移,人民的参与在巴黎联盟内发挥了作用。此外,本研究表明,由于政治复杂性、制度腐败、教育水平低下和普遍缺乏意识,大多数农村人口在参与联合巴黎的不同途径方面面临严重挑战。因此,作者建议,通过实施公众意识项目,确保地方政府单位的最大自主权,并确认服务提供者的问责制和透明度,人们的参与可以加强孟加拉国农村地方政府的权力下放。
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引用次数: 3
Working through Boundaries 跨越界限
Pub Date : 2022-11-18 DOI: 10.22146/pcd.v10i1.3665
Arga Pribadi Imawan
It is commonly assumed that multidisciplinary and interdisciplinary research collaborations involve various values, knowledge, and practices, thereby existing between science and policy. This study argues, oppositely, that multidisciplinary and interdisciplinary research collaborations are socially constructed and not to be taken for granted. To support its argument, this article uses the concept of boundary work to see how the interaction between science and policy is constructed. Taking as its case study the Ground Up consortium, a collaborative water management research programme involving the Netherlands and Indonesia, this study finds that boundary work generated and formed boundaries between science and policy through a joint call for proposal documents, research proposals, and three people operating at boundaries. Furthermore, this article shows that the collaborative research in the Ground Up consortium was a social process evidenced through three mediums: text, object, and person. This qualitative research thus uses a single-case study to explore boundary work in a consortium setting. Data were collected through a review of documents (meeting notes, research proposals, and calls for proposals) as well as in-depth interviews with three members of the Ground Up consortium.
人们通常认为,多学科和跨学科的研究合作涉及不同的价值观、知识和实践,因此存在于科学与政策之间。相反,这项研究认为,多学科和跨学科的研究合作是社会建构的,不应被视为理所当然。为了支持其论点,本文使用边界工作的概念来了解科学与政策之间的相互作用是如何构建的。本研究以Ground Up财团(一个由荷兰和印度尼西亚参与的水资源管理合作研究项目)为案例研究,发现边界工作通过联合征集提案文件、研究提案和三个在边界上工作的人,产生并形成了科学与政策之间的边界。此外,本文还表明,Ground Up联盟的合作研究是一个通过文本、对象和人这三种媒介来证明的社会过程。因此,本定性研究使用单一案例研究来探索财团设置中的边界工作。数据是通过审查文件(会议记录、研究提案和提案征集)以及对Ground Up联盟三名成员的深入访谈收集的。
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引用次数: 0
Livelihood Diversification as Political Translation 作为政治翻译的生计多样化
Pub Date : 2022-09-12 DOI: 10.22146/pcd.v9i2.4788
Sudirman
This article questions the ability of the resistance framework to explain local communities' political reactions to oil palm expansion. Guided by a translation and ethnographic framework, this study investigates the Modang Dayak community's political reaction from below to large-scale land acquisitions in upland East Kalimantan. It shows that, based on their knowledge and everyday life practice, the Modang Dayaks have the agency to negotiate the land scarcity that has accompanied oil palm expansion. This study contributes to reaction theory by arguing that livelihood diversification is a form of political translation used to negotiate the difficulties created by palm oil; as land has become increasingly scarce, the Modang Dayaks have redefined their relationship with it. This reality tends to be ignored in political science debates because researchers generally view political reactions through a resistance paradigm. Ultimately, however, the politics of translation go beyond the politics of resistance.
本文质疑抵抗框架解释当地社区对油棕扩张的政治反应的能力。在翻译和民族志框架的指导下,本研究调查了东加里曼丹高地Modang Dayak社区对大规模土地征用的自下而上的政治反应。这表明,基于他们的知识和日常生活实践,摩当达亚克人有能力解决油棕扩张带来的土地短缺问题。本研究通过认为生计多样化是一种政治翻译形式,用于协商棕榈油造成的困难,从而有助于反应理论;随着土地变得越来越稀缺,摩当达雅人重新定义了他们与土地的关系。这一现实在政治学辩论中往往被忽视,因为研究人员通常通过抵抗范式来看待政治反应。然而,最终,翻译的政治超越了抵抗的政治。
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引用次数: 0
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PCD Online Journal
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