Spanish Abstract: En este artículo examino el efecto del Acuerdo de Paz entre el gobierno de Colombia y la guerrilla de las FARC sobre los homicidios en el país. Utilizando un modelo de diferencias en diferencias, muestro que después de la firma del Acuerdo de Paz en septiembre de 2016, los homicidios aumentaron de forma diferencial en los municipios más afectados por el conflicto armado. El análisis de efectos heterogéneos sugiere que la magnitud del efecto está relacionada con la vulnerabilidad económica y el estado de las economías ilegales de los municipios. En particular, encuentro que los homicidios aumentaron más en los municipios más afectados por el conflicto armado que eran vulnerables económicamente y tenían cultivos de coca antes de la firma del Acuerdo de Paz.
English Abstract: In this article, I examine the effect of the Peace Agreement between the Colombian government and the FARC guerrillas on homicides in the country. Using a differences-in-differences model, I show that after the Peace Agreement in September 2016, homicides increased differentially in the municipalities most affected by the armed conflict. The analysis of the heterogeneous effects suggests that the magnitude of the effect is related to the economic vulnerability and the state of the illegal economies of the municipalities. In particular, I find that the homicides increased more in the municipalities most affected by the armed conflict that were economically vulnerable and had coca crops before the signing of the Peace Agreement.
{"title":"¿Fin de la guerra, fin de la violencia? Evidencia del Acuerdo de Paz y homicidios en Colombia (End of War, End of Violence? Evidence from the Peace Agreement and Homicides in Colombia)","authors":"Gabriela Rubio","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3648275","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3648275","url":null,"abstract":"<b>Spanish Abstract:</b> En este artículo examino el efecto del Acuerdo de Paz entre el gobierno de Colombia y la guerrilla de las FARC sobre los homicidios en el país. Utilizando un modelo de diferencias en diferencias, muestro que después de la firma del Acuerdo de Paz en septiembre de 2016, los homicidios aumentaron de forma diferencial en los municipios más afectados por el conflicto armado. El análisis de efectos heterogéneos sugiere que la magnitud del efecto está relacionada con la vulnerabilidad económica y el estado de las economías ilegales de los municipios. En particular, encuentro que los homicidios aumentaron más en los municipios más afectados por el conflicto armado que eran vulnerables económicamente y tenían cultivos de coca antes de la firma del Acuerdo de Paz.<br><br><b>English Abstract:</b> In this article, I examine the effect of the Peace Agreement between the Colombian government and the FARC guerrillas on homicides in the country. Using a differences-in-differences model, I show that after the Peace Agreement in September 2016, homicides increased differentially in the municipalities most affected by the armed conflict. The analysis of the heterogeneous effects suggests that the magnitude of the effect is related to the economic vulnerability and the state of the illegal economies of the municipalities. In particular, I find that the homicides increased more in the municipalities most affected by the armed conflict that were economically vulnerable and had coca crops before the signing of the Peace Agreement.","PeriodicalId":328693,"journal":{"name":"PSN: Post-Conflict Reconciliation (Topic)","volume":"4 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-07-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124144784","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In the wake of the murder of George Floyd, many American companies issued public statements to support the Black Lives Matter movement and promise steps to address internal racial inequality and systemic racism. These statements and the efforts promised in them are laudable, provided that they are accompanied by meaningful action. However, these statements largely fail to examine how American companies have contributed to and benefitted from structural racism. Translating statements in support of Black Lives Matters into real action will require that American companies engage in a process of truth and reconciliation.
{"title":"Asking the Hard Questions: Truth, Reconciliation, and Corporate America","authors":"Joseph R. Pileri","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3633114","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3633114","url":null,"abstract":"In the wake of the murder of George Floyd, many American companies issued public statements to support the Black Lives Matter movement and promise steps to address internal racial inequality and systemic racism. These statements and the efforts promised in them are laudable, provided that they are accompanied by meaningful action. However, these statements largely fail to examine how American companies have contributed to and benefitted from structural racism. Translating statements in support of Black Lives Matters into real action will require that American companies engage in a process of truth and reconciliation.","PeriodicalId":328693,"journal":{"name":"PSN: Post-Conflict Reconciliation (Topic)","volume":"285 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-06-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116108831","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
John J A Burke, Svetlana Vladimirovna Panina-Burke
Crimea and the City of Sevastopol justifiably separated from Ukraine and reunified with the Russian Federation in 2014. Support for this proposition is found in historic, economic, and political reasoning. Extant principles of public international law, derived from the Treaty of Westphalia, and subsequently developed by Great Powers to facilitate their strategic interests, when applied to the Crimean/Russian reunification, produce absurd results: nailing a population to a cross of misery, oppression, and poverty. In addition, the principles invoked are underdeveloped, prejudiced toward Nation States holding the imprimatur of “Great Powers”, and ignore individual and population preferences. Moreover, scholarly and jurist analyses repose upon an edifice of incomplete facts, and ignore the 1991 illegal annexation of Crimea by Ukraine. Crimea suffered twenty-three years of economic rot under Ukrainian rule. Under the Russian Federation, economic conditions in the peninsula are improving, despite the US/EU sanctions imposed upon the Crimean population, a cruelty that the Great Powers cannot justify. Exceptional circumstances that took place in Ukraine in 2013/14 permitted scheduling a referendum to seek independence from Ukraine. Polls taken after the 2014 referendum unanimously demonstrate that the population of Crimea and the City of Sevastopol prefer reunification with the Russian Federation, as opposed to going back and becoming a subject of Ukraine rule and exploitation under a US installed right wing regime. Repeated calls to “give back” Crimea to Ukraine are based on twisted historical narratives, solely designed to weaken the Russian Federation.
克里米亚和塞瓦斯托波尔市于2014年从乌克兰分离出来，并与俄罗斯联邦重新统一，这是合理的。对这一命题的支持可以在历史、经济和政治推理中找到。现存的国际公法原则源自《威斯特伐利亚条约》(Treaty of Westphalia)，随后被大国发展以促进其战略利益，当这些原则适用于克里米亚/俄罗斯统一时，产生了荒谬的结果:将人口钉在痛苦、压迫和贫困的十字架上。此外，所援引的原则不发达，对持有“大国”认可的民族国家有偏见，忽视个人和人口的偏好。此外，学者和法学家的分析建立在一堆不完整的事实之上，忽视了1991年乌克兰对克里米亚的非法吞并。克里米亚在乌克兰统治下经历了23年的经济衰败。在俄罗斯联邦的统治下，半岛的经济状况正在改善，尽管美国/欧盟对克里米亚人民实施了制裁，大国无法为这种残酷行为辩护。2013/14年乌克兰发生的特殊情况允许安排公投以寻求从乌克兰独立。2014年公投后进行的民意调查一致表明，克里米亚和塞瓦斯托波尔市的居民更倾向于与俄罗斯联邦统一，而不是回到乌克兰，成为美国扶摇直上的右翼政权统治和剥削的对象。一再呼吁将克里米亚“归还”给乌克兰是基于扭曲的历史叙述，完全是为了削弱俄罗斯联邦。
{"title":"The Reunification of Crimea and the City of Sevastopol with the Russian Federation: Logic Dictating Borders","authors":"John J A Burke, Svetlana Vladimirovna Panina-Burke","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.2979268","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2979268","url":null,"abstract":"Crimea and the City of Sevastopol justifiably separated from Ukraine and reunified with the Russian Federation in 2014. Support for this proposition is found in historic, economic, and political reasoning. Extant principles of public international law, derived from the Treaty of Westphalia, and subsequently developed by Great Powers to facilitate their strategic interests, when applied to the Crimean/Russian reunification, produce absurd results: nailing a population to a cross of misery, oppression, and poverty. In addition, the principles invoked are underdeveloped, prejudiced toward Nation States holding the imprimatur of “Great Powers”, and ignore individual and population preferences. Moreover, scholarly and jurist analyses repose upon an edifice of incomplete facts, and ignore the 1991 illegal annexation of Crimea by Ukraine. Crimea suffered twenty-three years of economic rot under Ukrainian rule. Under the Russian Federation, economic conditions in the peninsula are improving, despite the US/EU sanctions imposed upon the Crimean population, a cruelty that the Great Powers cannot justify. Exceptional circumstances that took place in Ukraine in 2013/14 permitted scheduling a referendum to seek independence from Ukraine. Polls taken after the 2014 referendum unanimously demonstrate that the population of Crimea and the City of Sevastopol prefer reunification with the Russian Federation, as opposed to going back and becoming a subject of Ukraine rule and exploitation under a US installed right wing regime. Repeated calls to “give back” Crimea to Ukraine are based on twisted historical narratives, solely designed to weaken the Russian Federation.","PeriodicalId":328693,"journal":{"name":"PSN: Post-Conflict Reconciliation (Topic)","volume":"4 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-06-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134215223","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The conflict between the Lord Resistance Army (LRA) and armed forces of the Government of Uganda, (UPDF) that left Greater Northern Uganda region in a poor economic state as the people could not engage in economic activities. As a result, the Government of Uganda and other development partners under took development initiatives that could support the region to recover from the economic stagnation. These developments comprised of funds that could support the area to recover from the effects of the conflict. The paper will firstly provide for the basis of reparation at the international level. Secondly it further provides who is responsible for paying reparations. Lastly it will provide the development programs that the Government of Uganda has undertaken in Northern Uganda and it will analyze whether these form part of reparations.
{"title":"Drawing a Line Between Reparations and Development Initiatives by the Government of Uganda","authors":"B. Patricia","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3218857","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3218857","url":null,"abstract":"The conflict between the Lord Resistance Army (LRA) and armed forces of the Government of Uganda, (UPDF) that left Greater Northern Uganda region in a poor economic state as the people could not engage in economic activities. As a result, the Government of Uganda and other development partners under took development initiatives that could support the region to recover from the economic stagnation. These developments comprised of funds that could support the area to recover from the effects of the conflict. The paper will firstly provide for the basis of reparation at the international level. Secondly it further provides who is responsible for paying reparations. Lastly it will provide the development programs that the Government of Uganda has undertaken in Northern Uganda and it will analyze whether these form part of reparations.","PeriodicalId":328693,"journal":{"name":"PSN: Post-Conflict Reconciliation (Topic)","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129476164","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Recent research has stressed the importance of long-run place effects on income and economic mobility, but the literature has struggled to isolate the causal impact of location. This paper provides new evidence on these effects using administrative data on over 100,000 Japanese- Americans who were interned during World War II. Internees were conditionally randomly assigned to camps in seven different states and held for several years. Restitution payments paid in the early 1990s to the universe of surviving internees allow us to measure their locations and outcomes nearly half a century after the camp assignments. Using this unique natural experiment we find, first, that camp assignment had a lasting effect on individuals' long-term locations. Next, using this variation, we find large place effects on individual economic outcomes like income, education, socioeconomic status, house prices, and housing quality. People assigned to richer locations do better on all measures. Random location assignment affected intergenerational economic outcomes as well, with families assigned to more socially mobile areas (as designated by Chetty et al., 2014) displaying lower cross-generational correlation in outcomes. Finally, we provide evidence that assignment to richer places impacted people's values and political views, a new and intriguing mechanism through which place effects operate. Together, this new causal evidence on location effects has broad implications for urban economics, as well as potential policy implications for policymakers struggling to resettle and integrate large refugee or immigrant populations.
{"title":"The Causal Effect of Place: Evidence from Japanese-American Internment","authors":"D. Shoag, N. Carollo","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.2798253","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2798253","url":null,"abstract":"Recent research has stressed the importance of long-run place effects on income and economic mobility, but the literature has struggled to isolate the causal impact of location. This paper provides new evidence on these effects using administrative data on over 100,000 Japanese- Americans who were interned during World War II. Internees were conditionally randomly assigned to camps in seven different states and held for several years. Restitution payments paid in the early 1990s to the universe of surviving internees allow us to measure their locations and outcomes nearly half a century after the camp assignments. Using this unique natural experiment we find, first, that camp assignment had a lasting effect on individuals' long-term locations. Next, using this variation, we find large place effects on individual economic outcomes like income, education, socioeconomic status, house prices, and housing quality. People assigned to richer locations do better on all measures. Random location assignment affected intergenerational economic outcomes as well, with families assigned to more socially mobile areas (as designated by Chetty et al., 2014) displaying lower cross-generational correlation in outcomes. Finally, we provide evidence that assignment to richer places impacted people's values and political views, a new and intriguing mechanism through which place effects operate. Together, this new causal evidence on location effects has broad implications for urban economics, as well as potential policy implications for policymakers struggling to resettle and integrate large refugee or immigrant populations.","PeriodicalId":328693,"journal":{"name":"PSN: Post-Conflict Reconciliation (Topic)","volume":"7 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-06-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126350814","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The partitioning of political jurisdictions is becoming an increasingly common component of agreements to end ethnic conflict, although its impact on post-conflict recovery remains unclear. This paper studies the effects of the partition which ended the 1992–1995 Bosnian War on the post-war provision of public schooling. I find that partitioned municipalities provide 58% more primary schools and 37% more teachers (per capita). Driven mainly by convergent preferences for ethnically oriented schools, however, this arrangement delivers distributional consequences: in partitioned municipalities, ethnic majority children are more likely to complete primary schooling, while for ethnic minority children it is the opposite.
{"title":"Together or Separate? Post-Conflict Partition, Ethnic Homogenization, and the Provision of Public Schooling","authors":"E. Swee","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.2487174","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2487174","url":null,"abstract":"The partitioning of political jurisdictions is becoming an increasingly common component of agreements to end ethnic conflict, although its impact on post-conflict recovery remains unclear. This paper studies the effects of the partition which ended the 1992–1995 Bosnian War on the post-war provision of public schooling. I find that partitioned municipalities provide 58% more primary schools and 37% more teachers (per capita). Driven mainly by convergent preferences for ethnically oriented schools, however, this arrangement delivers distributional consequences: in partitioned municipalities, ethnic majority children are more likely to complete primary schooling, while for ethnic minority children it is the opposite.","PeriodicalId":328693,"journal":{"name":"PSN: Post-Conflict Reconciliation (Topic)","volume":"43 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115805496","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The European Union has been seen as a new type of 'normative power', aiming at diffusing its values through its external policy. The EU influence in Sub-Saharan Africa is particularly worth noting. The EU is historically a leading partner for Africa and it presents itself to the African continent as a successful model of conflict transformation by regional integration. The European institutions have spent a considerable amount of material resources and diplomatic efforts for promoting regionalism in Africa and for encouraging the transition of African regional organizations from a security culture of 'non interference' to one of 'non indifference'. Yet, the expectation that the promotion of regional integration will contribute to the resolution of regional conflicts in Africa faces two sets of challenges. First, the historical, political and economic context of Africa may not be conducive to the success of regional cooperation as a conflict resolution strategy. Second, the effectiveness and the coherence of the EU's promotion of regional integration and regional conflict resolution in Africa are disputed. This paper presents REGIOCONF, a new collective research project aiming at investigating systematically the EU's engagement in addressing regional conflicts worldwide, particularly by promoting regional integration. In Sub-Saharan Africa, the project will address the cases of Sahel and the Great Lakes region.
{"title":"The European Union and the Promotion of Regional Integration: A Viable Approach to the Resolution of Regional Conflicts in Sub-Saharan Africa?","authors":"G. Piccolino","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.2455061","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2455061","url":null,"abstract":"The European Union has been seen as a new type of 'normative power', aiming at diffusing its values through its external policy. The EU influence in Sub-Saharan Africa is particularly worth noting. The EU is historically a leading partner for Africa and it presents itself to the African continent as a successful model of conflict transformation by regional integration. The European institutions have spent a considerable amount of material resources and diplomatic efforts for promoting regionalism in Africa and for encouraging the transition of African regional organizations from a security culture of 'non interference' to one of 'non indifference'. Yet, the expectation that the promotion of regional integration will contribute to the resolution of regional conflicts in Africa faces two sets of challenges. First, the historical, political and economic context of Africa may not be conducive to the success of regional cooperation as a conflict resolution strategy. Second, the effectiveness and the coherence of the EU's promotion of regional integration and regional conflict resolution in Africa are disputed. This paper presents REGIOCONF, a new collective research project aiming at investigating systematically the EU's engagement in addressing regional conflicts worldwide, particularly by promoting regional integration. In Sub-Saharan Africa, the project will address the cases of Sahel and the Great Lakes region.","PeriodicalId":328693,"journal":{"name":"PSN: Post-Conflict Reconciliation (Topic)","volume":"33 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-06-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128906261","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The aim of this paper is to show the influence of competitiveness (measured by quality of institutions and infrastructures variables) on unemployment rate of Cote d’Ivoire in the post-conflict period. The empirical results obtained with panel data shows overall significant results. Indeed, these results show that the level of corruption increases unemployment, while political stability, democracy and infrastructures have a reducing effect on unemployment. Thus, policy economic measures should focus primarily on promoting good governance and investment in infrastructures in order to fight effectively against unemployment in Cote d'Ivoire Post-Conflict.
{"title":"Competitiveness and Fight Against Unemployment in Post-Conflict Period: The Case of Cote D'Ivoire","authors":"L. Gakpa","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.2144189","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2144189","url":null,"abstract":"The aim of this paper is to show the influence of competitiveness (measured by quality of institutions and infrastructures variables) on unemployment rate of Cote d’Ivoire in the post-conflict period. The empirical results obtained with panel data shows overall significant results. Indeed, these results show that the level of corruption increases unemployment, while political stability, democracy and infrastructures have a reducing effect on unemployment. Thus, policy economic measures should focus primarily on promoting good governance and investment in infrastructures in order to fight effectively against unemployment in Cote d'Ivoire Post-Conflict.","PeriodicalId":328693,"journal":{"name":"PSN: Post-Conflict Reconciliation (Topic)","volume":"38 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-09-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130243700","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
By defining political economy and war in the broadest sense, this unique Handbook brings together a wide range of interdisciplinary scholars from economics, political science, sociology, and policy studies to address a multitude of important topics. These include an analysis of why wars begin, how wars are waged, what happens after war has ceased, and the various alternatives to war. Other sections explore civil war and revolution, the arms trade, economic and political systems, and post-conflict reconstruction and nation building. Policymakers as well as academics and students of political science, economics, public policy and sociology will find this volume to be an engaging and enlightening read.
{"title":"Credible Commitment in Post-Conflict Recovery","authors":"T. Flores, Irfan Nooruddin","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3713590","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3713590","url":null,"abstract":"By defining political economy and war in the broadest sense, this unique Handbook brings together a wide range of interdisciplinary scholars from economics, political science, sociology, and policy studies to address a multitude of important topics. These include an analysis of why wars begin, how wars are waged, what happens after war has ceased, and the various alternatives to war. Other sections explore civil war and revolution, the arms trade, economic and political systems, and post-conflict reconstruction and nation building. Policymakers as well as academics and students of political science, economics, public policy and sociology will find this volume to be an engaging and enlightening read.","PeriodicalId":328693,"journal":{"name":"PSN: Post-Conflict Reconciliation (Topic)","volume":"16 2","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2011-02-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114007163","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper registers that peace building and conflict resolution in Africa has been a challenge and looks at mediation and conflict resolution from a different dimension. The paper argues that the Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) are the new hope for international peace and conflict resolution. It examines the causes of conflict in Africa and goes on to explore the challenges that the United Nations (UN) has faced in its attempt to resolve conflicts amicably. Finally, the paper outlines categorically some of the ideal strategies that the NGOs can use in their effort to resolve conflicts and build peace in Africa.
{"title":"Searching for New Solutions in International Peace and Conflict Resolution in Africa: The Inclusion of Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs)","authors":"A. Jotia","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.1448512","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.1448512","url":null,"abstract":"This paper registers that peace building and conflict resolution in Africa has been a challenge and looks at mediation and conflict resolution from a different dimension. The paper argues that the Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) are the new hope for international peace and conflict resolution. It examines the causes of conflict in Africa and goes on to explore the challenges that the United Nations (UN) has faced in its attempt to resolve conflicts amicably. Finally, the paper outlines categorically some of the ideal strategies that the NGOs can use in their effort to resolve conflicts and build peace in Africa.","PeriodicalId":328693,"journal":{"name":"PSN: Post-Conflict Reconciliation (Topic)","volume":"394 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2009-08-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122783343","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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