Pub Date : 2016-05-13DOI: 10.4324/9781315587493-11
S. Hessle
Domestic violence constitutes historical behavior in accord with patriarchal systems. Family and domestic violence includes female infanticide, higher female mortality, female genital mutilation, bride burning, rape, wife battering, and early marriage. These practices are commonly integrated into values and beliefs. Women accept domestic violence in violation of their basic human rights due to social prejudice and low self esteem. Mothers who perpetuate female genital mutilation believe that they are acting in the best interests of the child by adhering to centuries-long traditions. Women who allow female infanticide or female abortion are motivated to do so in order to maintain the security of their marriage. Women are in unequal power relationships and submit to their own detriment. Negative attitudes against women are perpetuated through incorrect interpretations of religious principles and myths. Economic self-reliance gives women the courage to stand up against domestic violence. Empowerment through education and appropriate and protective legislation also gives women the means to fight violence. Nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) at the national, regional, and international levels are active in creating awareness of domestic violence and influencing policy change. The NGO Working Group on Traditional Practices and the Inter-African Committee have a 10-year history of fighting against practices such as female genital mutilation. In order to bring about change, there must be cooperative and joint action among governmental and inter-governmental groups and NGOs.
{"title":"Violence against women.","authors":"S. Hessle","doi":"10.4324/9781315587493-11","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4324/9781315587493-11","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Domestic violence constitutes historical behavior in accord with patriarchal systems. Family and domestic violence includes female infanticide, higher female mortality, female genital mutilation, bride burning, rape, wife battering, and early marriage. These practices are commonly integrated into values and beliefs. Women accept domestic violence in violation of their basic human rights due to social prejudice and low self esteem. Mothers who perpetuate female genital mutilation believe that they are acting in the best interests of the child by adhering to centuries-long traditions. Women who allow female infanticide or female abortion are motivated to do so in order to maintain the security of their marriage. Women are in unequal power relationships and submit to their own detriment. Negative attitudes against women are perpetuated through incorrect interpretations of religious principles and myths. Economic self-reliance gives women the courage to stand up against domestic violence. Empowerment through education and appropriate and protective legislation also gives women the means to fight violence. Nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) at the national, regional, and international levels are active in creating awareness of domestic violence and influencing policy change. The NGO Working Group on Traditional Practices and the Inter-African Committee have a 10-year history of fighting against practices such as female genital mutilation. In order to bring about change, there must be cooperative and joint action among governmental and inter-governmental groups and NGOs.\u0000","PeriodicalId":33812,"journal":{"name":"The Interpreters Newsletter","volume":"1 1","pages":"5"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-05-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88802579","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
A. Blanc, B. Wolff, A. Gage, A. Ezeh, S. Neema, J. Ssekamatte-ssebuliba
In Uganda, the Negotiating Reproductive Outcomes study is investigating the nature of negotiation within sexual unions. Data were gathered from focus groups held in the Masaka and Lira districts during February and March 1995 and during surveys of women aged 20-44 and their male partners carried out from October 1995 to February 1996. The data suggest that much of the bargaining and negotiating that occurs is indirect and nonverbal and, thus, leads to a great deal of misinterpretation. Even direct communication is fraught with complexity, misinterpretation, and mistrust. These results indicate that male partners are important in influencing the reproductive attitudes and behavior of women and that further work should be undertaken to understand the roles of various actors in reproductive decision-making.
{"title":"Negotiating reproductive outcomes in Uganda.","authors":"A. Blanc, B. Wolff, A. Gage, A. Ezeh, S. Neema, J. Ssekamatte-ssebuliba","doi":"10.2307/2137897","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/2137897","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 In Uganda, the Negotiating Reproductive Outcomes study is investigating the nature of negotiation within sexual unions. Data were gathered from focus groups held in the Masaka and Lira districts during February and March 1995 and during surveys of women aged 20-44 and their male partners carried out from October 1995 to February 1996. The data suggest that much of the bargaining and negotiating that occurs is indirect and nonverbal and, thus, leads to a great deal of misinterpretation. Even direct communication is fraught with complexity, misinterpretation, and mistrust. These results indicate that male partners are important in influencing the reproductive attitudes and behavior of women and that further work should be undertaken to understand the roles of various actors in reproductive decision-making.\u0000","PeriodicalId":33812,"journal":{"name":"The Interpreters Newsletter","volume":"196 1","pages":"1, 3"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1997-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72827215","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In early 1991 the abortion debate in Poland entered its new stage. The prolife and prochoice options had already clashed in the early 1930s over a new penal code and backstreet abortions. According to the code of 1932, induced abortion was allowed in cases of rape, incest, or for medical indications. Abortion was legalized in 1956, but subsequently it came under attack from Catholic circles, and by 1989 the Unborn Child Protection Bill was drafted which criminalized abortion. Only 11% of Polish women use modern contraceptives. The less efficient methods are the most prevalent: the natural method (Ogino-Knaus calendar), 35% of couples; coitus interruptus, 34%; condoms, 15%; oral contraceptives 7%; chemical spermicides, 2.5%; and the IUD 2%. According to size of Catholic Church estimate there are 600,000 abortions yearly. In contrast, official statistics indicate that the number of abortions is decreasing: 137,950 in 1980; 105,300 in 1988; 80,100 in 1989; 59,400 in 1990. In January 1991 the Constitutional Tribunal dismissed the motion of the Polish Feminist Association against the restrictive regulations of the Ministry of Health concerning abortion. After a parliamentary stalemate on the Unborn Child Protection Bill a commission consisting of 46 persona (1.2 of them women, 20 persons from the prochoice and 24 from the prolife lobby) continued the debate on the bill. Public opinion polls conducted by independent groups in November 1990 showed that about 60% of citizens were against the Senate's draft. Since then interest in the abortion issue has dwindled, and only 200 women and men took part in a prochoice demonstration in front of the parliament on January 25, 1991. In the spring of 1989 and in September 1990 thousands had participated in similar demonstrations. The prevailing attitude is that if the antiabortion bill is passed nothing can be done.
{"title":"Abortion, church and politics in Poland.","authors":"H. Jankowska","doi":"10.2307/1395456","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/1395456","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 In early 1991 the abortion debate in Poland entered its new stage. The prolife and prochoice options had already clashed in the early 1930s over a new penal code and backstreet abortions. According to the code of 1932, induced abortion was allowed in cases of rape, incest, or for medical indications. Abortion was legalized in 1956, but subsequently it came under attack from Catholic circles, and by 1989 the Unborn Child Protection Bill was drafted which criminalized abortion. Only 11% of Polish women use modern contraceptives. The less efficient methods are the most prevalent: the natural method (Ogino-Knaus calendar), 35% of couples; coitus interruptus, 34%; condoms, 15%; oral contraceptives 7%; chemical spermicides, 2.5%; and the IUD 2%. According to size of Catholic Church estimate there are 600,000 abortions yearly. In contrast, official statistics indicate that the number of abortions is decreasing: 137,950 in 1980; 105,300 in 1988; 80,100 in 1989; 59,400 in 1990. In January 1991 the Constitutional Tribunal dismissed the motion of the Polish Feminist Association against the restrictive regulations of the Ministry of Health concerning abortion. After a parliamentary stalemate on the Unborn Child Protection Bill a commission consisting of 46 persona (1.2 of them women, 20 persons from the prochoice and 24 from the prolife lobby) continued the debate on the bill. Public opinion polls conducted by independent groups in November 1990 showed that about 60% of citizens were against the Senate's draft. Since then interest in the abortion issue has dwindled, and only 200 women and men took part in a prochoice demonstration in front of the parliament on January 25, 1991. In the spring of 1989 and in September 1990 thousands had participated in similar demonstrations. The prevailing attitude is that if the antiabortion bill is passed nothing can be done.\u0000","PeriodicalId":33812,"journal":{"name":"The Interpreters Newsletter","volume":"56 1","pages":"33-6"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1992-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84875800","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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