This article is prompted by a recent Chinese criminal provision governing the impartiality of arbitration. The goals of the article fare to critically examine the new criminal statute created by the provision and to put forward some proposals for reform, which could be employed to resolve the tension that exists between arbitrator impartiality and deference to arbitration. Although the new provision appears to eliminate the abuse of arbitral power, it may raise more questions than it resolves. This article explores the problems and undertakes a comparative analysis of the corresponding U.S. provision, as well as an analysis of some cultural and traditional elements influencing the new criminal statute in China. Ultimately it will be argued that the concerns can be addressed by finetuning the rule in order to keep a balance between the previous two conflicting values. Borrowing from U.S. experience, a mechanism of judicial interpretation is proposed that could well suit China’s needs because the benefits of arbitration can be retained without sacrificing the impartiality of arbitration.
{"title":"Criminal Responsibility for Arbitrators in Chinese Law: Perversion of Law in Commercial Arbitration","authors":"Duan Xiaosong","doi":"10.58948/2331-3536.1347","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.58948/2331-3536.1347","url":null,"abstract":"This article is prompted by a recent Chinese criminal provision governing the impartiality of arbitration. The goals of the article fare to critically examine the new criminal statute created by the provision and to put forward some proposals for reform, which could be employed to resolve the tension that exists between arbitrator impartiality and deference to arbitration. Although the new provision appears to eliminate the abuse of arbitral power, it may raise more questions than it resolves. This article explores the problems and undertakes a comparative analysis of the corresponding U.S. provision, as well as an analysis of some cultural and traditional elements influencing the new criminal statute in China. Ultimately it will be argued that the concerns can be addressed by finetuning the rule in order to keep a balance between the previous two conflicting values. Borrowing from U.S. experience, a mechanism of judicial interpretation is proposed that could well suit China’s needs because the benefits of arbitration can be retained without sacrificing the impartiality of arbitration.","PeriodicalId":340850,"journal":{"name":"Pace International Law Review","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-05-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129756969","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper seeks to analyze how the World Trade Organization (WTO) may cooperate with the United Nations (UN) to unify seaborne cargo regimes. Beginning with the current dilemma of uniform maritime transport regime, the paper explores the relationship between the UN and the WTO. In light of the successful precedent of the incorporation the UN intellectual property regime into the WTO, this paper probes into the feasibility that the UN and the WTO may interactively unify a maritime transport regime by reference to selected previous treaties, which include UN-administrated treaties. The paper argues the WTO-based sea transport negotiations do not start from a zero basis so that it can be traced backwards to negotiating the General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS). Having scrutinized the progress and regress in the negotiations so far under the WTO framework, this paper stresses the potential role of an annex on sea transport to GATS so as to address the issue of harmonization.
{"title":"Transportation, Cooperation and Harmonization: GATS as a Gateway to Integrating the UN Seaborne Cargo Regimes into the WTO","authors":"L. Zhao","doi":"10.58948/2331-3536.1348","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.58948/2331-3536.1348","url":null,"abstract":"This paper seeks to analyze how the World Trade Organization (WTO) may cooperate with the United Nations (UN) to unify seaborne cargo regimes. Beginning with the current dilemma of uniform maritime transport regime, the paper explores the relationship between the UN and the WTO. In light of the successful precedent of the incorporation the UN intellectual property regime into the WTO, this paper probes into the feasibility that the UN and the WTO may interactively unify a maritime transport regime by reference to selected previous treaties, which include UN-administrated treaties. The paper argues the WTO-based sea transport negotiations do not start from a zero basis so that it can be traced backwards to negotiating the General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS). Having scrutinized the progress and regress in the negotiations so far under the WTO framework, this paper stresses the potential role of an annex on sea transport to GATS so as to address the issue of harmonization.","PeriodicalId":340850,"journal":{"name":"Pace International Law Review","volume":"37 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-05-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123386799","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Recognizing Education Rights in India and the United States: All Roads Lead to the Courts?","authors":"Ashley Feasley","doi":"10.58948/2331-3536.1339","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.58948/2331-3536.1339","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":340850,"journal":{"name":"Pace International Law Review","volume":"98 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-11-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130621898","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Climate Change Negotiations and Doha, Qatar","authors":"S. Sofferman","doi":"10.58948/2331-3536.1340","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.58948/2331-3536.1340","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":340850,"journal":{"name":"Pace International Law Review","volume":"262 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-11-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124284593","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Raped by the System: A Comparison of Prison Rape in the United States and South Africa","authors":"Alexandra Ashmont","doi":"10.58948/2331-3536.1341","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.58948/2331-3536.1341","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":340850,"journal":{"name":"Pace International Law Review","volume":"54 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-11-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134196711","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
SINCE THE INVASION OF AFGHANISTAN, the United States has utilized Unmanned Aerial Vehicles (UAVs) to locate, surveil and kill members of the Taliban, Al-Qaeda and its associated forces. Such killings have decimated the leadership of these groups and disrupted their operations. However, there are collateral effects from UAV killings including civilian deaths. These deaths increase resentment and hatred toward the US, which is channeled by terrorist groups to recruit new members and for local support. Moreover, targeted killings outside a combat zone have political and diplomatic consequences. This paper argues that the current uses of UAV are legal under international and domestic law. However, it proposes amended targeting criteria, greater transparency and increased checks on the executive branch for future use of UAVs. ! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! * Colonel, U.S. Army Reserve, with duty at the International & Operational Law Division, Office of The Judge Advocate General; M.A., U.S. Army War College 2013; J.D., Hofstra University School of Law 1992; B.A., University of Delaware 1989. I extend my deepest thanks to Colonel Brett Weigle for his support and advice with writing this article, and to the editors and staff of the Pace International Law Review for their hard work preparing the article for publication. The views expressed in this article do not necessarily reflect the views of the United States Army, the United States Army Reserve, or the United States Government.
{"title":"Unmanned Aerial Vehicles: Legitimate Weapon Systems or Unlawful Angels of Death?","authors":"M. Deegan","doi":"10.58948/2331-3536.1345","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.58948/2331-3536.1345","url":null,"abstract":"SINCE THE INVASION OF AFGHANISTAN, the United States has utilized Unmanned Aerial Vehicles (UAVs) to locate, surveil and kill members of the Taliban, Al-Qaeda and its associated forces. Such killings have decimated the leadership of these groups and disrupted their operations. However, there are collateral effects from UAV killings including civilian deaths. These deaths increase resentment and hatred toward the US, which is channeled by terrorist groups to recruit new members and for local support. Moreover, targeted killings outside a combat zone have political and diplomatic consequences. This paper argues that the current uses of UAV are legal under international and domestic law. However, it proposes amended targeting criteria, greater transparency and increased checks on the executive branch for future use of UAVs. ! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! * Colonel, U.S. Army Reserve, with duty at the International & Operational Law Division, Office of The Judge Advocate General; M.A., U.S. Army War College 2013; J.D., Hofstra University School of Law 1992; B.A., University of Delaware 1989. I extend my deepest thanks to Colonel Brett Weigle for his support and advice with writing this article, and to the editors and staff of the Pace International Law Review for their hard work preparing the article for publication. The views expressed in this article do not necessarily reflect the views of the United States Army, the United States Army Reserve, or the United States Government.","PeriodicalId":340850,"journal":{"name":"Pace International Law Review","volume":"113 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-11-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126283562","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
International criminal procedure is characterized by a fundamental structural shift in the allocation of power between the actors in a criminal trial – the judges, prosecution and defense - away from that traditionally ascribed under an adversarial system and towards the power distribution structure more common to the inquisitorial system. By looking at the Statutes and the Rules of Procedure and Evidence of the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY), the International Criminal Court (ICC) and the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia (ECCC), it is possible to identify varying degrees of power shifts in each court: across each we see a convergence around the transferal of procedural powers away from the individual parties and into the hands of the judge(s), shifting the power structure away from adversarial norms in favor of more traditional inquisitorial role assignments. This degrees of shift evident at these courts and tribunals are worthy of exploration in order to illuminate the aspects of power distribution and procedural devices, originating from which system, have been employed in the new model(s) of ICP seen at these three courts. To call them models of procedure is more appropriate that talking of a single model applicable across all the international courts and tribunals, as each displays unique characteristics and with no precise uniformity in each court’s rules. What are evident are convergences around structural ideas relating to the power relationships between the three main actors in the system, and the adoption of devices in furtherance of the overall goal of each court of having the judge as an active participant in proceedings.
{"title":"A Spectrum of International Criminal Procedure: Shifting Patterns of Power Distribution in International Criminal Courts and Tribunals","authors":"Jessica Peake","doi":"10.58948/2331-3536.1344","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.58948/2331-3536.1344","url":null,"abstract":"International criminal procedure is characterized by a fundamental structural shift in the allocation of power between the actors in a criminal trial – the judges, prosecution and defense - away from that traditionally ascribed under an adversarial system and towards the power distribution structure more common to the inquisitorial system. By looking at the Statutes and the Rules of Procedure and Evidence of the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY), the International Criminal Court (ICC) and the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia (ECCC), it is possible to identify varying degrees of power shifts in each court: across each we see a convergence around the transferal of procedural powers away from the individual parties and into the hands of the judge(s), shifting the power structure away from adversarial norms in favor of more traditional inquisitorial role assignments. This degrees of shift evident at these courts and tribunals are worthy of exploration in order to illuminate the aspects of power distribution and procedural devices, originating from which system, have been employed in the new model(s) of ICP seen at these three courts. To call them models of procedure is more appropriate that talking of a single model applicable across all the international courts and tribunals, as each displays unique characteristics and with no precise uniformity in each court’s rules. What are evident are convergences around structural ideas relating to the power relationships between the three main actors in the system, and the adoption of devices in furtherance of the overall goal of each court of having the judge as an active participant in proceedings.","PeriodicalId":340850,"journal":{"name":"Pace International Law Review","volume":"21 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127854149","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Gender Diversity on Corporate Boards: How Racial Politics Impedes Progress in the United States","authors":"Cheryl L. Wade","doi":"10.58948/2331-3536.1335","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.58948/2331-3536.1335","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":340850,"journal":{"name":"Pace International Law Review","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-07-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128847082","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The very recent and highly mediatized “Declaration of the 343 Salauds”1, where 343 (male) signatures in support of prostitution in a form designed to echo the highly significant declaration of as many women in 1971 in favor of the legalization of abortion, sheds particularly interesting light upon debate about sex regimes in connection with French law. France has recently introduced compulsory quotas for women in corporate boards2 * Ecole de Droit, Sciences-po Paris. 1 Pierre Lenel et al., Manifeste des 343: la reponse feministe ne suffit pas, LE MONDE (Nov. 5th 2013), http://www.lemonde.fr/idees/article/2013/11/05/ manifeste-des-343-la-reponse-feministe-ne-suffit-pas_3506542_3232.html. Le manifeste des 343 salauds’ paru dans l'edition de novembre de Causeur est un manifeste masculiniste, un manifeste de pacotille face a celui de 1971 ou des femmes celebres declaraient avoir avorte a l'etranger dans des conditions sanitaires respectueuses de leur sante, au contraire de milliers de femmes mortes d'infections ou d'hemorragies apres etre passees dans les mains d'une faiseuse d'ange. Bien sur, derriere ces manifestes, il est toujours question du corps des femmes, de la violence symbolique ou non qu'il peut subir... Pourtant ce manifeste des ‘salauds’, en raison meme de sa radicalite, pourrait etre enfin l'occasion de poser autrement le debat sur la prostitution qui depuis des decennies ressasse a l'envi les memes arguments. ‘Touche pas a ma pute’, doit bien etre considere comme une defense et illustration du patriarcat, le masculinisme etant la forme contemporaine que prend la defense de ce rapport social. Opposees a ce point de vue, des grandes figures du feminisme considerent a raison que ce manifeste humilie les femmes, toutes les femmes. Mais dans le meme mouvement, elles promeuvent le plus souvent un feminisme qui refuse de prendre au serieux la parole de tous les acteurs, empechent toute possibilite de debat serein sur cette affaire, en invoquant la dignite des femmes qui serait mise a mal. 2 Loi relative a la representation equilibree des femmes et des hommes au sein des conseils d’administration et de surveillance et a l’egalite profession-
最近高度调解的“343 salaud宣言”1，其中343名(男性)签名支持卖淫，其形式旨在呼应1971年许多妇女支持堕胎合法化的高度重要宣言，特别有趣地揭示了与法国法律有关的性别制度的辩论。法国最近在公司董事会中引入了强制性的女性配额。2 *法国法律学院，巴黎科学学院。1 Pierre Lenel等人，manifesto des 343: la response feministe ne suffit pas, LE MONDE(2013年11月5日)，http://www.lemonde.fr/idees/article/2013/11/05/ Manifeste -des 343-la- response -feministe-ne-suffit-pas_3506542_3232.html。Le manifeste des 343 salauds派在根据德德Causeur est 11月联合国manifeste masculiniste,联合国manifeste de pacotille面临celui 1971或者女同性恋者入围declaraient得到avorte《局外人》在des条件防疫线respectueuses为了健康,反之de几百几千妻子莫特'infections ou d 'hemorragies然后可能是过去在一个faiseuse d 'ange电源。Bien sur, derriere ces, il - toujours question du corps des women, de la violence，象征着你的不平等。重要的是，我们可以用“salauds”来表达，我们可以用“meme”来表示激进主义，我们可以用“meme”来表示激进主义，我们可以用“meme”来表示激进主义，我们可以用“meme”来表示激进主义。“我是一个男人”，“我是一个男人”，“我是一个男人”，“我是一个男人”，“我是一个男人”，“我是一个男人”，“我是一个男人”，“我是一个男人”，“我是一个男人”，“我是一个男人”。反对女权主义的人，认为女权主义者有理由羞辱女性，蔑视女性。这是一场文化运动，这是一场社会主义运动，这是一场社会主义运动，这是一场社会主义运动，这是一场社会主义运动，这是一场社会主义运动，这是一场社会主义运动，这是一场社会主义运动，这是一场社会主义运动，也是一场社会主义运动
{"title":"Corporate Governance Sex Regimes: Peripheral Thoughts from Across the Atlantic","authors":"H. Watt","doi":"10.58948/2331-3536.1337","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.58948/2331-3536.1337","url":null,"abstract":"The very recent and highly mediatized “Declaration of the 343 Salauds”1, where 343 (male) signatures in support of prostitution in a form designed to echo the highly significant declaration of as many women in 1971 in favor of the legalization of abortion, sheds particularly interesting light upon debate about sex regimes in connection with French law. France has recently introduced compulsory quotas for women in corporate boards2 * Ecole de Droit, Sciences-po Paris. 1 Pierre Lenel et al., Manifeste des 343: la reponse feministe ne suffit pas, LE MONDE (Nov. 5th 2013), http://www.lemonde.fr/idees/article/2013/11/05/ manifeste-des-343-la-reponse-feministe-ne-suffit-pas_3506542_3232.html. Le manifeste des 343 salauds’ paru dans l'edition de novembre de Causeur est un manifeste masculiniste, un manifeste de pacotille face a celui de 1971 ou des femmes celebres declaraient avoir avorte a l'etranger dans des conditions sanitaires respectueuses de leur sante, au contraire de milliers de femmes mortes d'infections ou d'hemorragies apres etre passees dans les mains d'une faiseuse d'ange. Bien sur, derriere ces manifestes, il est toujours question du corps des femmes, de la violence symbolique ou non qu'il peut subir... Pourtant ce manifeste des ‘salauds’, en raison meme de sa radicalite, pourrait etre enfin l'occasion de poser autrement le debat sur la prostitution qui depuis des decennies ressasse a l'envi les memes arguments. ‘Touche pas a ma pute’, doit bien etre considere comme une defense et illustration du patriarcat, le masculinisme etant la forme contemporaine que prend la defense de ce rapport social. Opposees a ce point de vue, des grandes figures du feminisme considerent a raison que ce manifeste humilie les femmes, toutes les femmes. Mais dans le meme mouvement, elles promeuvent le plus souvent un feminisme qui refuse de prendre au serieux la parole de tous les acteurs, empechent toute possibilite de debat serein sur cette affaire, en invoquant la dignite des femmes qui serait mise a mal. 2 Loi relative a la representation equilibree des femmes et des hommes au sein des conseils d’administration et de surveillance et a l’egalite profession-","PeriodicalId":340850,"journal":{"name":"Pace International Law Review","volume":"8 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-07-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130980054","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This analysis assesses the amendment to Norway’s Companies Act, in light of the 10-year anniversary of the mandate of female representation on corporate boards. First, I discuss the implementation of the quota, Section 6-11a. Second, I compare three statistical studies that analyze the effects of the quota on corporate profitability, overall firm performance, and the changing dynamics of the managerial positions. Finally, I evaluate the various avenues to fully achieving diversity, such as the successes and failures of a quota-type system and possible initiatives that governments and companies can enact to achieve gender-balance in the workplace. While some hypothesize that the quota negatively affects overall firm capability and value, the statistical data on the effects of the legislation is not dispositive. Ultimately, it is in the best interest of corporations to learn from Norway’s example in implementing mandatory female representation, and to explore other avenues to achieving diversity. I. BACKGROUND ON NORWAY’S COMPANIES ACT “Power is not something that is given, it is something that you have to take.” 1 A Danish economist, Benja Stig-Fagerland, * Kristen Carroll received her J.D. cum laude with an International Law Certificate from Pace Law School in 2014. Upon graduation she was a recipient of the Adolf Homburger Humanitarian Award, and served as Editor-inChief of Pace International Law Review and Co-Chair of the Moot Court Honor Board in 2013-2014. 1 Nicola Clark, The Female Factor: Getting Women into Boardrooms, by
鉴于女性进入公司董事会已满10周年，本分析对挪威公司法修正案进行了评估。首先，我将讨论配额的实施，第6-11a条。其次，我比较了三个统计研究，分析了配额对公司盈利能力、公司整体绩效和管理职位变化动态的影响。最后，我评估了充分实现多样性的各种途径，例如配额型系统的成功和失败，以及政府和公司可以制定的实现工作场所性别平衡的可能举措。虽然一些人假设配额会对企业的整体能力和价值产生负面影响，但有关立法效果的统计数据并非决定性的。最终，从挪威实施强制性女性代表的例子中学习，并探索实现多元化的其他途径，符合企业的最大利益。一、《挪威公司法》的背景“权力不是被赋予的，而是你必须去争取的。1丹麦经济学家Benja Stig-Fagerland， * Kristen Carroll于2014年以优异成绩获得佩斯法学院法学博士学位，并获得国际法证书。毕业后，她曾获得阿道夫·Homburger人道主义奖，并于2013-2014年担任《佩斯国际法评论》主编和模拟法庭荣誉委员会联合主席。Nicola Clark，《女性因素:让女性进入董事会》，作者
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