Pub Date : 2023-11-14DOI: 10.5565/rev/isogloss.271
Heloisa Salles, Maria Aparecida Torres Morais
In this study, we propose a comparative analysis of the ditransitive constructions in Dialectal Brazilian Portuguese (DBP) and Colloquial Standard Brazilian Portuguese (BP), taking into consideration the phenomenon named Double Pronominalization, in which both the theme and the goal arguments are realized as clitics or full pronouns, with consequences for the occurrence of a type of Person Case Constraint as well as a specific case of clitic doubling. In the comparative scenario, we show that the DBP instantiates a particular type of Double Object Construction (DOC), in which the grammatical licensing of the goal argument has similarities with the English DOC. Further we consider that both the dialectal and the standard varieties display the prepositional ditransitive construction (PDC), in which the goal argument is introduced by the preposition para (‘to’). In this paper we propose that these innovative properties can be accounted for if we consider the theory of low and high applicative, as expressed in Pylkännen’s (2008) typology. Following Pancheva & Zubizarreta (2018), we also assume that the applicative head bears an interpretable person feature entering an agreement relation with the argument introduced in the specifier position of the applicative domain (cf. also Torres Morais & Salles 2010, 2016, 2019). Finally, we claim that the loss of third person dative clitics in BP undermine the feature make-up of the low applicative head, excluding clitic cluster and clitic doubling formation (of the EP type). Consequently, two strategies arise in the licensing of the goal argument in ditransitive structures: (i) under structural Case, in a low applicative head, as found in DBP; (ii) as an oblique phrase, introduced by the preposition para (‘to’). However, first and second clitics me and te remain, implying that the BP pronominal system expresses a monovalent value for the feature [participant]. We propose that they are licensed in a high applicative structure bearing an interpretable person feature, under an agreement relation with the inherent interpretable person feature, which corresponds to first (speaker) and second person (addressee) (cf. Torres Morais & Salles, 2022).
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Pub Date : 2023-11-14DOI: 10.5565/rev/isogloss.258
Sonia Cyrino
It has been observed that certain overt 3rd person object pronouns, such as ‘it’ in paycheck sentences, propositional clitics in Portuguese and English, 3rd person non-propositional clitics in Catalan, Spanish, Slovenian and Serbian/Croatian may allow sloppy readings. Additionally, it is well-known that Brazilian Portuguese (BP) has lost 3rd person object clitics, which were replaced either by [-animate] null objects or by [± animate] full pronouns. The latter, differently from personal 3rd person clitics in certain languages, do not allow strict/sloppy readings, regardless of their animacy feature specification. Nevertheless, animacy is relevant for the use of 3rd person object full pronouns in BP since only the [+animate] ones can be focused. I propose that the BP does not fit in the tripartite division of pronouns into ‘strong/weak/clitic’. I assume that full pronouns in Romance underwent a reanalysis from demonstratives, and that BP full pronouns have a structure that precludes them from licensing strict/sloppy readings. As for the animacy distinction in focalization contexts, I assume that [+animate] full pronouns in BP are specified for [Person] and must move out of VP to check that feature. Thus, they escape the relevant vP phase and become available for checking [focus] by a low Focus head.
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Pub Date : 2023-11-14DOI: 10.5565/rev/isogloss.254
Roberta Pires de Oliveira, Maurício Resende
In this paper, we discuss the morphosemantics of aspect and tense in the Portuguese infinitives. Specifically, within Distributed Morphology framework (Halle & Marantz, 1993), in advancing Resende & Pires de Oliveira (2022)’s recent proposal, we approach the internal constituency of Portuguese infinitives (mostly Tense and Aspect) and discuss what exactly these pieces of structure denote. Firstly, we argue that all infinitives contain AspP and that its head is featured as neutral, in the sense of Smith (1997). Secondly, we approach TP and argue for a tree-way system (T[+TENSE], T[–TENSE], T[ ]), which can be associated to two different syntactic environments (in this case, DP vs. no DP), but not to different syntactic settings (for instance, raising vs. ECM). On the sematic side, Asp[neutral] denotes a set of time intervals where the event denoted by the verbal stem has started. As regards Tense, if T is [–TENSE], then it renders a simultaneous reading in relation to the matrix verb and if it is [+TENSE], the infinitive is futurate in relation to the matrix verb. However, if T lacks a tense-value, the TP will denote a property of events, almost like the nP-denotation in the nominal domain.
本文讨论了葡萄牙语不定式中时态和体的形态语义。具体来说，在分布式形态学框架(Halle &Marantz, 1993)，在推进雷森德&;在Pires de Oliveira(2022)最近的提议中，我们探讨了葡萄牙语不定式的内部组成部分(主要是时态和时态)，并讨论了这些结构片段究竟表示什么。首先，我们认为所有不定式都包含AspP，而且它的词头在Smith(1997)的意义上是中性的。其次，我们接近TP并主张树形系统(T[+TENSE]， T[-TENSE]， T[])，它可以与两种不同的语法环境相关联(在这种情况下，DP与无DP)，但不能与不同的语法设置相关联(例如，raise与ECM)。在语义方面，Asp[中性]表示一组时间间隔，在这些时间间隔中，由词干表示的事件已经开始。至于时态，如果T是[-TENSE]，那么它与矩阵动词的关系是同步阅读，如果它是[+ Tense]，不定式与矩阵动词的关系是将来时。但是，如果T缺少时态值，则TP将表示事件的属性，就像标称域中的np表示一样。
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Pub Date : 2023-10-25DOI: 10.5565/rev/isogloss.374
Maria Ferin, Henrik Gyllstad, Ilaria Venagli, Angelica Zordan, Tanja Kupisch
While there is growing awareness that knowledge of regional minority languages must be protected, assessing the vitality of such varieties is challenging due to the lack of assessment materials. Our contribution documents the creation and validation of LexVEN, a bimodal yes/no vocabulary task, with the purpose of assessing the proficiency of users of Venetan with receptive and/or productive skills. The materials will be freely available. The vocabulary items were validated in a survey with 161 speakers of Italian, of which 136 came from the Veneto area. We have relied on Classical Test Theory (CTT) and Item Response Theory (IRT) in validating test items, and we demonstrate correlations with self-reported measures of proficiency and language use. Given the absence of any other assessment tools of Venetan for cross-validation, we further collected speech samples from a subset of the Venetan participants with active proficiency whose proficiency was rated by native speakers of Venetan. We discuss the procedures within a validation framework, concluding that LexVEN is reliable as a proficiency assessment tool of Venetan.
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