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New Directions in Strategic Thinking 2.0: ANU Strategic & Defence Studies Centre's Golden Anniversary Conference Proceedings最新文献

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The decline of the classical model of military strategy 经典军事战略模式的衰落
Lawrence Freedman
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引用次数: 0
Economics and security 经济与安全
A. King
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引用次数: 0
The future of strategic studies: Lessons from the last ‘golden age’ 战略研究的未来:上一个“黄金时代”的教训
H. Strachan
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引用次数: 0
A bias for action? The military as an element of national power 对行动的偏爱?军队是国家力量的组成部分
J. Frewen
Australia’s military instils in its members a ‘can-do’ culture with a bias for action, inculcated early in the careers of virtually all officers and enlisted personnel. This ethos seeks both to ensure that opportunities are seized and to avoid the more common historical peril of inaction. This instinct serves us well on the battlefield; it can be be of less benefit at the operational and strategic levels where consequences of decisions tend to be more farreaching. This bias is not merely a military concern. The public can also demonstrate a bias for action without due consideration of the broader political issues at stake. Depending on the circumstances, politicians can also demonstrate bias for either action or perceived action. Regardless, the Australian Defence Force (ADF) is a relatively well-resourced and capable asset available to governments for a broad range of contingencies. From high-intensity warfighting to humanitarian operations, the ADF can be rapidly brought to bear to satisfy the ends of policy—uniquely in our government, through the employment of armed force. Yet, while the ADF can contribute to Australia’s national security, it cannot alone deliver national prosperity.
澳大利亚军队向其成员灌输了一种“敢为敢为”的文化,这种文化在几乎所有军官和士兵的职业生涯早期就被灌输了。这种精神既要确保抓住机会,又要避免更常见的不作为的历史危险。这种本能在战场上对我们很有用;在决策的后果往往更为深远的业务和战略层面,它可能没有那么大的好处。这种偏见不仅仅是一个军事问题。公众也可能在没有适当考虑更广泛的政治问题的情况下表现出对行动的偏见。根据具体情况,政治家也可能表现出对行动或感知行动的偏见。无论如何,澳大利亚国防军(ADF)是一支资源相对充足、能力较强的军队,可供政府应对各种突发事件。从高强度的战争到人道主义行动,ADF可以迅速承担起满足政策目的的责任,这在我们的政府中是独一无二的,通过使用武装力量。然而,尽管ADF可以为澳大利亚的国家安全做出贡献,但它无法独自实现国家繁荣。
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引用次数: 1
American grand strategy in the post–Cold War era 后冷战时代的美国大战略
H. Brands
The post–Cold War era has now lasted more than a quarter-century.1 This period has been an eventful time in US grand strategy. The United States did not withdraw from the world after the Soviet collapse; rather, it recommitted to pursuing a globalism every bit as ambitious as during the bipolar era. It is therefore worth considering what insights the experience of the post–Cold War era have to offer at a time when the international order is often thought to be reaching a new inflection point.
后冷战时代已经持续了四分之一个多世纪这一时期是美国大战略的多事之交。苏联解体后,美国并没有退出世界;相反,它重新致力于追求一种与两极时代一样雄心勃勃的全球主义。因此,在人们通常认为国际秩序正达到一个新的拐点之际,值得考虑的是,冷战后时代的经验能够提供什么见解。
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引用次数: 1
Beyond ‘hangovers’: The new parameters of post–Cold War nuclear strategy 超越“宿醉”:冷战后核战略的新参数
N. Leveringhaus
We are now more than a quarter-century into the post–Cold War period. Yet vestiges of a ‘Cold War mentality’ are said to remain, limiting our understanding of nuclear strategy today. For some, concepts and capabilities specifically developed with US and Soviet nuclear strategy in mind, such as mutual assured destruction (MAD) as an optimal strategic condition or a Second Strike Force, have become conceptual ‘hangovers’ that strategists have struggled to improve upon, leaving little room for innovation in the nuclear domain.1 This chapter seeks to push back at this ‘hangover’ narrative by drawing out global developments that have shaped thinking about nuclear strategy since 1990. It will also be argued that the global conditions under which nuclear strategies have been formulated are fundamentally different post-1990. This might seem a rather uncontroversial statement. Most would agree that, compared to the Cold War period, the prospects of nuclear war are thankfully much reduced today. However, there are relatively few academic accounts of how nuclear strategies have developed since 1990.2
我们现在进入后冷战时期已超过四分之一个世纪。然而,据说“冷战思维”的残余仍然存在,限制了我们今天对核战略的理解。对于一些人来说,专门针对美国和苏联核战略开发的概念和能力,例如作为最佳战略条件的相互保证破坏(MAD)或第二次打击力量,已经成为概念上的“宿醉”,战略家们一直在努力改进,在核领域几乎没有创新的空间本章试图通过引出1990年以来形成对核战略思考的全球发展来推翻这种“宿醉”叙事。还将指出,制订核战略所依据的全球条件在1990年以后有了根本的不同。这似乎是一个毫无争议的说法。大多数人都会同意,与冷战时期相比,今天发生核战争的可能性已经大大降低。然而,关于核战略自1990年以来如何发展的学术报道相对较少
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引用次数: 1
The prospects for a Great Power ‘grand bargain’ in East Asia 东亚大国“大交易”的前景
Evelyn Goh
The future shape and form of the East Asian regional order presents one of the most pressing concerns for Australian strategic policy planners and analysts, who have also contributed significantly to associated regional and international debates and policy initiatives.1 Ultimately, strategic efforts are defined by their ultimate ‘big picture’ goals. From the broad perspective of cultivating regional order in East Asia, one key goal must be to forge a feasible and sustainable ‘grand bargain’ among its resident great powers.
东亚地区秩序的未来形态和形式是澳大利亚战略政策规划者和分析人士最迫切关注的问题之一,他们也为相关的区域和国际辩论和政策倡议做出了重大贡献最终,战略努力是由他们最终的“大局”目标定义的。从培养东亚地区秩序的广泛视角来看,一个关键目标必须是在东亚地区的大国之间建立一个可行且可持续的“大交易”。
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引用次数: 0
The return of geography 地理学的回归
Paul Dibb
The title of this chapter might suggest that geography has somehow gone missing in action as a body of strategic knowledge. While it is true that some theoreticians bought the superficial view at the end of the Cold War that geography had had its day, that was never the view of those of us who were senior defence policy officers. Strategic theories come and go, but the abiding nature of a nation’s geography remains a key defence planning tool. Indeed, I would agree with Australia’s greatest Secretary for Defence, Sir Arthur Tange, who said in 1986: ‘The map of one’s own country is the most fundamental of all defence documentation.’1 He also presciently asserted that the nature of Australia’s physical environment demands that maritime capabilities occupy a prominent place in defence.2
本章的标题可能暗示,地理学作为一门战略知识,在实际行动中不知何故消失了。的确,一些理论家在冷战结束时接受了地理学已经风光不再的肤浅观点,但我们这些高级国防政策官员从来都不这么认为。战略理论来来去去,但一个国家地理的持久特性仍然是一个关键的国防规划工具。的确,我同意澳大利亚最伟大的国防部长阿瑟·丹格爵士在1986年说过的话:“一个人自己国家的地图是所有国防文件中最基本的。”他还有先见之明地断言,澳大利亚的自然环境要求海上能力在国防中占据突出地位
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引用次数: 1
Conclusion: What is the future of strategic studies? 结论:战略研究的未来是什么?
Paul Dibb
Strategic studies in Australia seems to be undergoing a period of introspection about what to focus on, with concerns about whether it is still relevant to a greatly expanded agenda of ‘national security challenges’. There is the further issue of whether strategic studies should be separate from the study of international relations. Then there is the long-standing debate about whether the label ‘strategic and defence studies’ is a proper area for academic study, given its concern with military matters. All these issues have been touched upon—to a greater or lesser extent— in these chapters, themselves based on the Strategic & Defence Studies Centre’s 50th anniversary conference in July 2016.
澳大利亚的战略研究似乎正在经历一个反思的时期,即关注什么是重点,担心它是否仍然与一个大大扩大的“国家安全挑战”议程相关。还有一个进一步的问题是,战略研究是否应该与国际关系研究分开。此外,考虑到“战略与国防研究”与军事事务的关系,这个标签是否适合作为学术研究领域,这是一个长期存在的争论。所有这些问题都或多或少地在这些章节中被触及,这些章节本身是基于2016年7月战略与国防研究中心50周年纪念会议。
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引用次数: 1
An Asian school of strategic studies? 亚洲战略研究学派?
Amitav Acharya
I have been asked to comment on the topic: ‘An Asian school of strategic studies?’ I understand this question as asking whether there can be a school in Asia that represents or reflects a distinctive approach to strategic studies like the English school on international relations theory or the Copenhagen school on security studies. I am glad that there is a question mark with the topic, because one could have some serious doubts about such an idea. Posing the question is very useful for provoking a discussion about some of the big challenges and questions that confront the development of strategic studies in Asia or the Asia-Pacific to which the Strategic & Defence Studies Centre (SDSC) has made a very significant contribution. Let me raise five supporting questions and challenges; the first three are familiar and perhaps not really critical. I mention them briefly. The last two are really crucial.
有人请我就“亚洲战略研究学派?”我对这个问题的理解是,在亚洲是否能有一所学校代表或反映出一种独特的战略研究方法,就像英国的国际关系理论学派或哥本哈根的安全研究学派那样。我很高兴这个话题有一个问号,因为一个人可能会对这样的想法有一些严重的怀疑。提出这个问题对于引发关于亚洲或亚太战略研究发展所面临的一些重大挑战和问题的讨论非常有用,战略与国防研究中心(SDSC)在这方面做出了非常重要的贡献。让我提出五个支持问题和挑战;前三条我们很熟悉,也许并不重要。我简单地提一下。最后两点非常关键。
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引用次数: 1
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New Directions in Strategic Thinking 2.0: ANU Strategic & Defence Studies Centre's Golden Anniversary Conference Proceedings
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