OAH Magazine of History最新文献

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A Decade of Teachable Moments: 9/11 and the Temple University Teach-In 十年的教育时刻:9/11和天普大学的宣讲会

OAH Magazine of History

Pub Date : 2011-07-01 DOI: 10.1093/OAHMAG/OAR028

Ralph F. Young

引用次数: 2

Teaching American Politics and Global Hollywood in the Age of 9/11 在9/11时代教授美国政治和全球好莱坞

OAH Magazine of History

Pub Date : 2011-07-01 DOI: 10.1093/OAHMAG/OAR021

Lary May

引用次数: 1

Interpreting John Brown: Infusing Historical Thinking into the Classroom 解读约翰·布朗:将历史思维注入课堂

OAH Magazine of History

Pub Date : 2011-04-01 DOI: 10.1093/OAHMAG/OAR003

Bruce A. Lesh

引用次数: 1

Becoming John Brown: Living History in the Classroom 《成为约翰·布朗:课堂上的生活史

OAH Magazine of History

Pub Date : 2011-04-01 DOI: 10.1093/OAHMAG/OAR001

Gerry Kohler

引用次数: 0

The Dred Scott Case as an American Family Saga 作为美国家庭传奇的德雷德·斯科特案

OAH Magazine of History

Pub Date : 2011-04-01 DOI: 10.1093/OAHMAG/OAR010

Lea VanderVelde

引用次数: 2

Slavery, the Constitution, and the Origins of the Civil War 奴隶制、宪法和内战的起源

OAH Magazine of History

Pub Date : 2011-04-01 DOI: 10.1093/OAHMAG/OAR004

P. Finkelman

引用次数: 3

The Economic Origins of the Civil War 内战的经济根源

OAH Magazine of History

Pub Date : 2011-04-01 DOI: 10.1093/OAHMAG/OAR005

Marc Egnal

引用次数: 1

Using Confederate Documents to Teach About Secession, Slavery, and the Origins of the Civil War 使用邦联文件来教授关于分裂，奴隶制和内战的起源

OAH Magazine of History

Pub Date : 2011-04-01 DOI: 10.1093/OAHMAG/OAR002

James W. Loewen

引用次数: 4

The Political Origins of the Civil War 内战的政治根源

OAH Magazine of History

Pub Date : 2011-04-01 DOI: 10.1093/OAHMAG/OAR006

Jonathan H. Earle

, Vol. 25, No. 2, pp. 8– 13 doi: 10.1093/oahmag/oar006 © The Author 2011. Published by Oxford University Press on behalf of the Organization of American Historians. All rights reserved. For permissions, please e-mail: journals.permissions@oup.com Between late January and Election Day of 1860, 23-year-old Charles O’Neill, Jr. of New Haven, Connecticut spent his free time practicing military maneuvers. But he was not preparing to face the Army of Northern Virginia — the Civil War didn’t start until April 12, 1861. O’Neill, an elected fi rst lieutenant of the Washington Wide Awakes, a Republican Party – affi liated paramilitary campaign organization (Figure 1), was instead readying for electoral battle against Democrats like the rival Douglas Invincibles. To the young laborer the torch-lit processions, serenades, and occasional brawls were an important part of the most important political campaign of his life: “ You may imagine me in a silver and green cape, blue lantern in one hand, a yellow cane in the other, trooping though the mud giving orders, fi le left, march, shoulder arms, &c., ” he wrote his fi ancée the week of the momentous election. “ Hurrah for old Abe. We are going to win, true as you live ” ( 1 ). While O’Neill and his men rarely carried a live fi rearm or intended to continue drilling after election day, the very public military display of the Wide Awakes further unnerved Southerners already panicked about the election ( Figure 1 ). Formerly moderate newspapers like the Baltimore Sun splattered their pages with secessionist arguments. In the halls of Congress, Texas Senator Louis Wigfall accused New Yorker William Seward of encouraging his “ John-Brown, WideAwake Praetorians ” to remain organized following Lincoln’s election. “ One half million of men uniformed and drilled, and the purpose of their organization . . . to sweep the country in which I live with fi re and sword ” ( 2 ). O’Neill and Wigfall were hardly alone that fateful year in ascribing particular signifi cance to an election and, to a larger degree, politics in general. After all, it was a political act — the election of Abraham Lincoln, the fi rst overtly antislavery candidate, to the presidency — that sparked fi rst secession and then war itself. While few historians would disagree that the Civil War had important economic, social, and cultural causes, the fact remains that the Southern states didn’t secede because the Jonathan Earle

， Vol. 25, No. 2, pp. 8 - 13 doi: 10.1093/oahmag/oar006©The Author 2011。牛津大学出版社代表美国历史学家组织出版。版权所有。申请许可，请发电子邮件:journals.permissions@oup.com从1860年1月下旬到选举日，康涅狄格纽黑文23岁的小查尔斯·奥尼尔(Charles O 'Neill, Jr.)利用业余时间练习军事演习。但是他并没有准备好面对北弗吉尼亚军队——内战直到1861年4月12日才开始。奥尼尔是共和党附属准军事竞选组织“华盛顿广觉醒”(Washington Wide Awakes)的第一中尉(图1)，他正准备与竞争对手道格拉斯·无敌(Douglas invincible)等民主党人进行选举战。对这位年轻的工人来说，火炬点燃的游行、小夜曲和偶尔的争吵是他一生中最重要的政治运动的重要组成部分:“你可以想象我披着银绿相间的斗篷，一手拿着蓝灯笼，另一手拿着黄手杖，在泥泞中列队行进，发出命令，左转，前进，肩扛武器等等。在重大选举的那一周，他给自己的财务主管写道。“为老亚伯欢呼。我们会赢的，千真万确。”虽然奥尼尔和他的手下很少携带实弹武器，也不打算在选举日之后继续训练，但“大觉醒”的公开军事展示进一步让已经对选举感到恐慌的南方人感到不安(图1)。《巴尔的摩太阳报》(Baltimore Sun)等以前较为温和的报纸在版面上到处都是分离主义者的论点。在国会大厅里，德克萨斯州参议员路易斯·威格福尔指责纽约人威廉·苏厄德在林肯当选后鼓励他的“约翰·布朗，清醒的禁卫军”保持组织。“五十万人穿着制服，经过训练，而他们组织的目的……用火和剑扫荡我所居住的国家。”奥尼尔和威格福尔并不是唯一在那个决定命运的一年里，将选举和更大程度上的政治赋予特殊意义的人。毕竟，这是一种政治行为——亚伯拉罕·林肯，第一位公开反对奴隶制的总统候选人，被选为总统——引发了第一次分裂，然后是战争本身。虽然很少有历史学家会不同意内战有重要的经济、社会和文化原因，但事实是，南方各州不是因为乔纳森·厄尔而脱离联邦的

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引用次数: 4

Monumental History: Commemorating America's Civil War Sesquicentennial 不朽的历史:纪念美国内战一百五十周年

OAH Magazine of History

Pub Date : 2011-04-01 DOI: 10.1093/OAHMAG/OAR012

J. Percoco

引用次数: 0

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