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The Shining Path of Peru: An Organizational Theory for Conflict 秘鲁的光辉道路:冲突的组织理论
Pub Date : 2021-10-01 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.3941380
Edwar E. Escalante
Violent political insurgencies display resilient structures that allow their growth and success. They must provide incentives to avoid internal rent-seeking among the members and, at the same time, discourage coalitions from undermining the direction and control of the insurgency. I study how insurgencies’ response to these trade-offs determines their political and military structures. A vertical and centralized hierarchy will prevail to minimize monitoring costs. However, a horizontal hierarchy will emerge within the insurgency to cede part of the insurgency surplus to solve their collective action problems and effectively coordinate violence. The evidence rests on the analysis of the Shining Path, the most radical face of the Communist revolution in the Western Hemisphere and a pioneer organization for the most recent insurgencies. I argue that the variation of this internal hierarchy played a significant role in its dramatic growth from a small group of students to a lethal terrorist organization with international outreach.
暴力政治叛乱显示出有弹性的结构,使他们能够成长和成功。他们必须提供激励措施,以避免成员之间的内部寻租,同时阻止联盟破坏叛乱的方向和控制。我研究叛乱分子对这些权衡的反应如何决定了他们的政治和军事结构。将采用垂直和集中的层次结构,以尽量减少监测成本。然而,在叛乱中会出现一个水平等级,以让渡部分叛乱剩余来解决他们的集体行动问题并有效地协调暴力。证据来自对光辉道路的分析,光辉道路是西半球共产主义革命最激进的面孔,也是最近叛乱的先驱组织。我认为,这种内部等级制度的变化在其从一小群学生迅速成长为具有国际影响力的致命恐怖组织的过程中发挥了重要作用。
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引用次数: 0
Bribe-Switching Bribe-Switching
Pub Date : 2021-05-10 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.3843425
Desiree A. Desierto, Jamie Bologna Pavlik
The Foreign Corrupt Practices Act (FCPA) prohibits US firms from paying bribes to foreign public officials. We show that FCPA enforcement has no positive effect on the GDP per capita of the countries of these officials but, rather, increases their countries’ shadow economy. When public officials take bribes both from legal and illegal markets, corruption enforcement in legal markets induces them to make up for lost rents by taking more bribes from illegal markets. In equilibrium, they enforce less against illegal producers, thereby increasing the size of illegal markets. We find that one case of FCPA enforcement alone increases the shadow economy by as much as 0.25 percentage point (pp), homicide rates by 0.02 pp, and trade misinvoicing by 0.5 pp.
《反海外腐败法》(FCPA)禁止美国公司向外国公职人员行贿。我们发现,执行《反海外腐败法》对这些官员所在国家的人均GDP没有积极影响,反而增加了他们国家的影子经济。当公职人员同时从合法市场和非法市场收受贿赂时,合法市场的腐败执法促使他们通过从非法市场收取更多贿赂来弥补损失的租金。在均衡状态下,他们对非法生产者的执法力度较小,从而扩大了非法市场的规模。我们发现,仅一个执行《反海外腐败法》的案例就会使影子经济增加0.25个百分点(pp),使凶杀率增加0.02个百分点,使贸易误开发票增加0.5个百分点。
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引用次数: 0
Crawling towards Weber? Mexican State Capacity in the 19th Century 爬向韦伯?19世纪墨西哥的国家能力
Pub Date : 2020-07-01 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.3940700
Robin M. Grier
I examine 19th century Mexico for a better understanding of how and why it was so difficult to create the institutions of a modern state. I show that Mexico suffered from a vicious cycle in that period, something that is probably common to many developing countries, in that they needed a large army in order to create a monopoly on violence, but they did not have the money to fund such an institution. The chronic lack of funding led to a situation where the country was littered with roving bandits, and the central government had little ability to stop the constant revolts and banditry that prevailed. It was not until the late 19th century that the government was finally able to create a centralized police force and the beginnings of centralized, state control.
我考察了19世纪的墨西哥,以便更好地理解创建一个现代国家的制度是如何以及为什么如此困难。我指出,墨西哥在那个时期遭受了恶性循环,这可能是许多发展中国家的共同之处,因为他们需要一支庞大的军队来垄断暴力,但他们没有钱来资助这样一个机构。长期缺乏资金导致该国到处都是土匪,中央政府几乎没有能力阻止持续不断的叛乱和土匪盛行。直到19世纪后期,政府才终于能够建立一支中央集权的警察部队,并开始实行中央集权的国家控制。
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引用次数: 1
Democracy, Dictatorship, and the Monetary Commons 民主、独裁和货币公地
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.3934048
Bryan P. Cutsinger, L. Rouanet
In this paper, we analyze the e ect that alternative decision-making structures have on equilibrium in ation rates. Our analysis considers four scenarios: strong dictatorship, weak dictatorship, strong democracy and weak democracy. Each scenario implies different ownership structures over the real value of the money stock, which we treat as a common pool resource. We find that the equilibrium inflation rate that emerges under strong dictatorship and strong democracy is consistent with the revenue-maximizing rate, while the rate that emerges under weak dictatorship or weak democracy exceeds the revenue-maximizing rate. In other words, when political property rights over the real value of the money stock are ill-defined, there is a tragedy of the monetary commons. Our analysis explains why inflation rates are lower in more democratic countries and those that experience lower bouts of political instability.
本文分析了不同决策结构对均衡通胀率的影响。我们的分析考虑了四种情况:强独裁、弱独裁、强民主和弱民主。每种情况都意味着货币股票实际价值的不同所有权结构,我们将其视为公共池资源。我们发现,强独裁和强民主下的均衡通货膨胀率与收入最大化率一致,而弱独裁和弱民主下的均衡通货膨胀率超过收入最大化率。换句话说,当对货币存量实际价值的政治产权界定不清时,就会出现货币公地悲剧。我们的分析解释了为什么在更民主的国家和那些经历更少政治动荡的国家,通货膨胀率更低。
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引用次数: 0
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