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Access to Public Housing for Outsiders 外地人获得公共住房的机会
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2018-12-18 DOI: 10.1163/15718158-01902005
E. Kusumawati, A. H. D. Wolf, M. Brus
While the decentralised system adhered to by Indonesia has allowed the central government to delegate its affairs to local governments and has brought benefits for democracy, several issues are open for improvement. One of the areas allocated to local governments is housing and settlements. There are indications that in some cases the local governments fail to provide access to public housing for outsiders, who are also vulnerable to eviction and resettlement. This article discusses legal regulations and examples of housing policy at the national level. Moreover, it assesses general practices of four Indonesian local governments: Jakarta, Surabaya, Jogjakarta and Surakarta, concerning access to public housing for outsiders. The article investigates whether the four Indonesian local governments unintentionally facilitate indirect discrimination or legally limit the right to housing for the purpose of promoting the general welfare. The analysis is based on the prohibition of indirect discrimination related to the right to housing in the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (icescr), General Comments and Concluding Observations.
虽然印度尼西亚坚持的权力下放制度允许中央政府将其事务委托给地方政府,并为民主带来了好处,但有几个问题有待改进。分配给地方政府的领域之一是住房和定居点。有迹象表明,在某些情况下,地方政府未能为外来者提供公共住房,他们也容易被驱逐和重新安置。本文讨论了国家一级住房政策的法律法规和实例。此外,它还评估了四个印度尼西亚地方政府:雅加达、泗水、焦贾卡塔和苏拉卡塔关于外来者获得公共住房的一般做法。文章调查了印度尼西亚四个地方政府是否无意中为间接歧视提供便利,或为了促进普遍福利而在法律上限制住房权。分析的依据是《经济、社会、文化权利国际公约》、一般性意见和结论性意见中禁止与住房权有关的间接歧视。
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引用次数: 1
Marcosian Atrocities: Historical Revisionism and the Legal Constraints on Forgetting 马可暴行:历史修正主义与遗忘的法律约束
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2018-12-18 DOI: 10.1163/15718158-01902003
R. L. A. Pangalangan, G. Fernandez, Ruby Rosselle L. Tugade
The Philippines resoundingly cried ‘never again’ to the horrors of the Marcos dictatorship through the People Power revolution of 1986. Thirty years later, the Filipino people have come to realise that success is indeed fleeting. On 18 November 2016, the remains of Philippine dictator Ferdinand E. Marcos were buried in the Libingan ng mga Bayani—the Heroes’ Cemetery. While the Philippine Supreme Court insists that the hero’s burial conferred to the author of the nation’s darkest chapter is a political question, from established doctrines here and abroad, the authors seek to derive the political answer. This article will look at the legitimacy of memory laws within the Philippine Constitutional framework. Finding guidance from the Auschiwtz lie case of the German Constitutional Court, the article seeks to combat historical revisionism and prohibit the Marcosian lie. Our research begins by looking at the resurgence of authoritarianism as seen through the populist presidency of Rodrigo Roa Duterte. We will then proceed to address the threshold issue of state-sanctioned narratives. Recognising that the duty to establish the truth involves the power to determine the narrative, the authors will reconcile the conflicting demands of the freedom of thought and the right to the truth. We will then proceed by utilising the fact-opinion distinction to demonstrate how the Marcosian lie may be the valid subject of regulation. The last phase of the research looks into the approaches adopted by the United Nations (un) Human Rights Committee and the European Court of Human Rights in dealing with negationism and historical revisionism.
菲律宾通过1986年的人民力量革命(People Power revolution)向马科斯独裁统治的恐怖呐喊“永不再来”。三十年后,菲律宾人民开始意识到,成功确实是短暂的。2016年11月18日,菲律宾独裁者费迪南德·e·马科斯的遗体被安葬在利比亚英雄公墓。尽管菲律宾最高法院坚持认为,将这位英雄的葬礼授予这个国家最黑暗篇章的作者是一个政治问题,但作者们试图从国内外的既定教义中得出政治答案。本文将探讨记忆法在菲律宾宪法框架内的合法性。文章以德国宪法法院奥斯维辛集中营谎言案为指导,试图反对历史修正主义,禁止马克思主义谎言。我们的研究首先从罗德里戈·罗阿·杜特尔特(Rodrigo Roa Duterte)的民粹主义总统任期来看威权主义的复苏。然后,我们将继续讨论国家认可的叙事的门槛问题。作者认识到,确立真相的责任包括决定叙事的权力,他们将调和思想自由和了解真相的权利这两种相互冲突的要求。然后,我们将利用事实-意见的区别来证明马尔科斯谎言如何可能是有效的监管主体。研究的最后阶段探讨了联合国人权事务委员会和欧洲人权法院在处理否定主义和历史修正主义方面所采取的方法。
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引用次数: 0
Differentiated Human Rights of Migrant Spouses Based on Nationalities in Taiwan 台湾移民配偶基于民族的差异化人权
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2018-12-18 DOI: 10.1163/15718158-01902001
Te-Yuan Chien
In Taiwan, there were 530,512 migrant spouses in 2017 and, among them, 337,838 (about 63.7 per cent) came from China. However, Chinese spouses have to spend two years more than other foreign spouses to receive residency. Due to the political complexities between China and Taiwan, this differentiated treatment is a controversial issue. Nevertheless, some advocates have urged legislators to propose amendments, whereas others support raising the issue in the Constitutional Court.This article contends that the period it takes for Chinese and other foreign spouses to receive residency should be equal. Furthermore, the article suggests that it is more suitable for the legislative branch to use its plenary power in dealing with the political issues than the judicial branch, similar to how the United States (us) resolved disputes after the enactment of the Chinese-Exclusion Act 130 years ago.This article begins with the political and legal background to the differentiated treatment issue in Taiwan. The second part begins with the bills in Congress to eliminate the difference and outlines the interpretation of the Constitutional Court in Taiwan regarding the Chinese issues. The third part discusses the similar discriminatory treatment of the Chinese in the us after the Chinese-Exclusive Act in 1882 and how the Supreme Court dealt with those disputes. Finally, considering international treaties and the sensitivity of the political issues, this article suggests, similar to the us approach, introduction of the doctrine of plenary congressional power and the political question doctrine to resolve the disputes.
在台湾,2017年有530512名移民配偶,其中337838人(约63.7%)来自中国。然而,中国配偶必须比其他外国配偶多花两年时间才能获得居留权。由于中国和台湾之间的政治复杂性,这种区别对待是一个有争议的问题。尽管如此,一些支持者敦促立法者提出修正案,而另一些人则支持在宪法法院提出这一问题。本文认为,中国和其他外国配偶获得居留权的期限应该是平等的。此外,文章认为,与司法部门相比,立法部门更适合利用其全体权力来处理政治问题,类似于130年前美国颁布《排华法案》后解决争端的方式。本文从台湾差别待遇问题产生的政治和法律背景入手。第二部分从国会提出的消除分歧的法案开始,概述台湾宪法法院对中国问题的解释。第三部分论述了1882年《华人专属法》颁布后,美国对华人的类似歧视待遇,以及最高法院如何处理这些争议。最后,考虑到国际条约和政治问题的敏感性,本文建议类似于美国的做法,引入国会全体权力学说和政治问题学说来解决争端。
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引用次数: 1
Galvanisation of the Right to Development within the Shared Constitutional Space in India 印度共享宪政空间中发展权的激励
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2018-12-18 DOI: 10.1163/15718158-01902006
DharmendraKumar Singh.
This article accentuates the concept of the right to development (rtd) and focuses on the various facets of rtd as developed by the Supreme Court of India in its multiple pronouncements since the advent of the last decade of the 20th century. The apex court, through a conjoint reading of various aspects provided in the Constitution’s Preamble, Fundamental Rights, Directive Principles and Fundamental Duties with the Declaration on rtd has interpreted various cases that have opened new horizons of curative developmental jurisprudence in India. The main aim of this study is to capture the various trends and directions of discourse on rtd and explore the constitutional space for rtd in India. This article also evaluates the impact that Declaration of rtd has had on the Supreme Court of India and to what extent has the Supreme Court of India galvanised rtd to provide remedies to millions of Indians. The article emphasises the holistic view taken by the Supreme Court in matters of private rights versus the developmental rights of millions. Another significant aspect of rtd that has been emphasised in this article is the conflict between human rights of the marginalised group with the burgeoning rtd. The discourse on economic growth and rtd within the constitutional space will remain in the heart of politicians, social scientists and the populace in the coming years.
本文强调发展权(rtd)的概念,并侧重于自20世纪最后十年以来印度最高法院在其多项声明中发展的发展权的各个方面。最高法院通过对《宪法序言》、《基本权利》、《指导原则》和《关于rtd的宣言》中规定的各个方面进行联合解读,解释了各种案件,为印度的治疗性发展法学开辟了新的视野。本研究的主要目的是捕捉关于rtd话语的各种趋势和方向,并探索印度rtd的宪法空间。本文还评估了rtd宣言对印度最高法院的影响,以及印度最高法院在多大程度上激励rtd为数百万印度人提供救济。这篇文章强调了最高法院在私人权利与数百万人的发展权问题上所采取的整体观点。本文强调的rtd的另一个重要方面是边缘化群体的人权与新兴rtd之间的冲突。在未来几年,关于经济增长和宪法空间内的rtd的讨论仍将是政治家、社会科学家和民众的核心话题。
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引用次数: 0
Can an Open Access Approach be the Solution to Better Implementation of the Right to Information Act in Bangladesh? 开放获取方法能否解决孟加拉国更好地执行《信息权法》的问题?
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2018-06-29 DOI: 10.1163/15718158-01901003
Harold Sougato Baroi, S. Alam, Carlos Bernal
Legal implementation has always been a challenge in Bangladesh. The Right to Information Act 2009 (the RTI Act) was introduced in Bangladesh with the objective of ensuring people’s access to government information for improving accountability and empowering people to participate in decisions that shape the social, economic, and political aspects of their lives. However, this article suggests that there has been no significant improvement in accessing government information despite the enactment and the strategies for the implementation of the RTI Act. Most citizens are unaware of their legal entitlements to seek and receive information. Only a small number of applications have been registered with public offices since the RTI Act was introduced in 2009. The article argues that one of the main reasons behind the lack of improvement is that the chosen implementation approach fails to engage the public to exercise their right to access information related to government services. This article claims that a proactive and deliberative approach to information disclosure is a much better alternative to the current scheme for implementing the RTI Act.
在孟加拉国,法律执行一直是一个挑战。2009年《信息权法》(RTI法)在孟加拉国出台,目的是确保人们获得政府信息,以提高问责制,并赋予人们参与决定其生活的社会、经济和政治方面的权力。然而,这篇文章表明,尽管颁布了《信息权法》并制定了实施战略,但在获取政府信息方面并没有显著改善。大多数公民不知道他们寻求和接收信息的合法权利。自2009年《信息权法》出台以来,只有少量申请在公共办公室登记。文章认为,缺乏改进的主要原因之一是所选择的实施方法未能让公众行使获取政府服务相关信息的权利。这篇文章声称,积极和慎重的信息披露方法是目前实施《信息权法》的方案的更好选择。
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引用次数: 0
Human Rights in China: A Social Practice in the Shadows of Authoritarianism, written by Eva Pils 《中国的人权:威权主义阴影下的社会实践》,伊娃·皮尔斯著
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2018-06-29 DOI: 10.1163/15718158-01901005
Han Zhu
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引用次数: 0
Women’s Human Rights and Migration: Sex-Selective Abortion Laws in the United States and India , written by Sital Kalantry 《妇女人权与移民:美国和印度的性别选择性堕胎法》,作者:西塔尔·卡兰特里
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2018-06-29 DOI: 10.1163/15718158-01901004
R. Alwis
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引用次数: 0
The Rohingya Refugee Crisis and Human Rights: What Should ASEAN Do? 罗兴亚难民危机与人权:东盟该怎么做?
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2018-06-29 DOI: 10.1163/15718158-01901001
Z. Mutaqin
This article will argue that there are three related issues of concern regarding the Rohingya crisis: (1) a singular focus on persecution and nationality in Myanmar; (2) statelessness and displacement in the region; and (3) grave human rights violations amounting to international crimes including genocide and crimes against humanity. This article will discuss active steps that ASEAN should take. To ensure that Myanmar will willingly accept the responsibility to address the source of the problem, the international community, particularly ASEAN, has to stand firm against Myanmar’s gross violation of human rights. At the same time, ASEAN must deal with the refugee crisis by formulating a workable regional framework. This article will deal with the underlying conflict paradigm in all refugee issues: how to reconcile state sovereignty vis-á-vis responsibility and how to ensure protection of both human rights and state security.
本文将讨论有关罗兴亚危机的三个相关问题:(1)对缅甸迫害和国籍的单一关注;(2)该地区的无国籍状态和流离失所;(3)严重侵犯人权,构成包括种族灭绝和危害人类罪在内的国际罪行。本文将讨论东盟应采取的积极措施。为了确保缅甸愿意承担解决问题根源的责任,国际社会,特别是东盟,必须坚决反对缅甸严重侵犯人权的行为。与此同时,东盟必须通过制定一个可行的区域框架来处理难民危机。本文将探讨所有难民问题中潜在的冲突范式:如何协调国家主权与-á-vis责任,以及如何确保人权和国家安全的保护。
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引用次数: 6
LGBTI Rights in Indonesia: A Human Rights Perspective 印尼的LGBTI权利:人权视角
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2018-06-29 DOI: 10.1163/15718158-01901002
Eleni Polymenopoulou
The threat of criminal punishment of same-sex relationships has revived in Indonesia. Despite the remarkable improvements that were made in recent years, such as the Yogyakarta principles in 2007 and the organisation of the Jakarta Q-film festival, homophobia has been gradually observed throughout the country. The criminal punishment of both prostitution and homosexuality in the (Islamised) region of Aceh by virtue of local laws (perdas) and incidents such as the raid of a Jakarta gay sauna in late 2017 that resulted in several prosecutions demonstrate that the struggle for non-discrimination and equality for lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex (LGBTI) communities is still ongoing in this extremely diverse country. The present paper discusses this situation, highlighting the need for Indonesia to comply with its human rights obligations.
对同性关系进行刑事处罚的威胁在印度尼西亚死灰复燃。尽管近年来取得了显著的进步,例如2007年的日惹原则和雅加达Q电影节的组织,但同性恋恐惧症在全国各地逐渐出现。根据当地法律(perdas),亚齐(伊斯兰化)地区对卖淫和同性恋的刑事处罚,以及2017年末雅加达同性恋桑拿浴室遭到突袭等事件,这些事件导致了几起起诉,这表明为女同性恋、男同性恋、双性恋、,跨性别者和双性人(LGBTI)社区在这个极其多样化的国家仍然存在。本文件讨论了这种情况,强调印度尼西亚必须履行其人权义务。
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引用次数: 7
Enforcement of Fatwas in Bangladesh and the Violation of Constitutionally Guaranteed Fundamental Rights of Others: Compromising Between Rights 孟加拉国法特瓦的执行与对宪法保障的他人基本权利的侵犯:权利之间的妥协
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2017-12-18 DOI: 10.1163/15718158-01802002
J. H. Bhuiyan
Each religious community is entitled to enjoy its religious freedom, and members of every community have the right to manifest, profess, and practice their religion. Fatwas are manifestations of religious belief. In Bangladesh, extra-judicial penalties in the form of lashings or beatings may be carried out in the name of fatwas. Consequently, fatwas as manifestations of religion may come into conflict with the rights of others. Questions then arise whether fatwas as manifestations of religion can be restricted, in what conditions, and by whom. This article will examine these questions.
每个宗教团体都有宗教信仰自由,每个宗教团体成员都有信仰宗教、信仰宗教和实践宗教的权利。法特瓦是宗教信仰的表现。在孟加拉国,以鞭笞或殴打的形式进行的法外处罚可能以教令的名义进行。因此,作为宗教表现形式的教令可能与他人的权利发生冲突。那么问题就出现了,作为宗教表现的法特瓦是否可以被限制,在什么条件下,由谁来限制。本文将研究这些问题。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Asia-Pacific Journal on Human Rights and the Law
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