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Gaining insight through a Bird’s-Eye View 通过鸟瞰图获得洞察力
Pub Date : 2020-09-21 DOI: 10.1515/9783110618587-015
T. Michalsky
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引用次数: 0
Art is Aiming for the Eye 艺术是瞄准眼睛的
Pub Date : 2020-09-21 DOI: 10.1515/9783110618587-012
K. Krüger
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引用次数: 0
Falconry as a Variant of the Image Act 作为《图像法》变体的猎鹰
Pub Date : 2020-09-21 DOI: 10.1515/9783110618587-011
Horst Bredekamp
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引用次数: 0
What is it like to be a Hawk? 当鹰是什么感觉?
Pub Date : 2020-09-21 DOI: 10.1515/9783110618587-003
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引用次数: 0
A Bird’s-Eye View 鸟瞰图
Pub Date : 2020-09-21 DOI: 10.1515/9783110618587-001
Christian Göbel
Judged by protest frequency estimates, China is a country where protests have become routine. In 2011, a study published by Landesa survey claimed that, according to “Chinese researchers,” in 2010 China saw “180,000 mass incidents . . . 65 percent of them related to land disputes.”1 Drawing on this figure, a headline in The Atlantic made the misleading claim that “500 protests [occurred] every day.” Despite the fact that little is known about how the unnamed “Chinese researchers” cited in the Landesa survey arrived at this figure, most publications, including that of the author, refer to it.2 However, these figures contribute little to a better understanding of social unrest in China. Instead, they conjure up the powerful image of a China in serious turmoil. If we take the results of a Google Images search as a representation of how the public mind might imagine “protests” or “social unrest” in China, we see hundreds of angry people holding up banners, raising their fists, and shouting slogans. Some photos show combat-ready riot police, and more extreme images feature overturned cars and the use of teargas canisters. While such scenes certainly occur, it is unclear whether or not they are representative of most instances of social unrest in China. Our knowledge about protests in China is sketchy: the media tends to cover large-scale events, which, as will be shown, are very infrequent; and academic research is mainly based on small-N case studies of protesters3 and of local officials.4 Fewer attempts have been made to understand how protests influence governance in China at large;5 and only a handful of studies provide insights into the spatial and temporal distribution of protests in China, which grievances they address, how many people they involve, and how likely protests are to meet with repression.6 A macro-perspective of social unrest in China is needed to judge the impact of social unrest on the stability of China’s one-party authoritarian regime. For example, while a violent protest that draws a large crowd is a major challenge to the regime, a gathering joined by only a handful of people is not. Low attendance signals a lack of public interest and assures the authorities that a grievance can be safely ignored.7 Also, demands for financial compensation are relatively easy to defuse by, for example, “buying stability,” whereas civil rights protesters cannot be bought off so easily.8 Finally, protests can be an indicator of specific local problems; but they can also highlight systemic deficiencies, for example when grievances are not confined to a particular locality or region.9 Drawing on a dataset of 74,452 protests that occurred in China between 2 June 2013 and 13 June 2016, this chapter provides a bird’s-eye view of social unrest in China by addressing the issues just outlined. The results show that most protests are nothing like the image evoked above would suggest: protests in China are widespread but tend to occur seasonally and invo
从抗议频率估计来看,中国是一个抗议已成为常规的国家。2011年,Landesa调查机构发表的一项研究称,根据“中国研究人员”的说法,2010年中国发生了“18万起群体性事件……其中65%与土地纠纷有关。根据这个数字,《大西洋月刊》(The Atlantic)的一个标题做出了误导性的声明,称“每天(发生)500起抗议活动”。尽管人们对Landesa调查中引用的未具名的“中国研究人员”是如何得出这个数字的知之甚少,但大多数出版物,包括作者的出版物,都提到了它然而,这些数据对更好地理解中国的社会动荡没有什么帮助。相反,它们给人的印象是一个处于严重动荡中的中国的强大形象。如果我们用谷歌图片搜索的结果来代表公众对中国“抗议”或“社会动荡”的想象,我们会看到数百名愤怒的人举着横幅,举起拳头,喊着口号。一些照片显示已经做好战斗准备的防暴警察,还有一些更极端的照片显示汽车被掀翻,催泪弹被使用。虽然这样的场景肯定会发生,但尚不清楚它们是否代表了中国大多数社会动荡。我们对中国抗议活动的了解是粗略的:媒体倾向于报道大型事件,正如下面所示,这是非常罕见的;学术研究主要基于对抗议者和地方官员的小样本案例研究很少有人试图了解抗议活动如何影响整个中国的治理;5只有少数研究提供了对中国抗议活动的时空分布的见解,他们解决了哪些不满,有多少人参与其中,以及抗议活动遭到镇压的可能性有多大要判断社会动荡对中国一党专制政权稳定的影响,需要从中国社会动荡的宏观视角来判断。例如,虽然吸引大量人群的暴力抗议是对政权的重大挑战,但只有少数人参加的集会就不是。出席率低表明缺乏公共利益,并使当局确信可以放心地忽略不满此外,对经济补偿的要求相对容易通过“购买稳定”来化解,而民权抗议者就不那么容易被收买了最后,抗议活动可以成为当地具体问题的一个指标;但它们也会突出系统缺陷,例如,当不满并不局限于特定的地方或地区时根据2013年6月2日至2016年6月13日期间发生在中国的74,452次抗议活动的数据集,本章通过解决刚刚概述的问题,提供了对中国社会动荡的鸟瞰图。结果表明,大多数抗议活动与上面所显示的图像完全不同:中国的抗议活动很普遍,但往往是季节性的,参与者少于30人。大多数抗议活动都发生在春节前,那时工厂关闭,农民工返乡。经济补偿,而非实质性权利,是诉讼的核心
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引用次数: 0
Leather and Feather: Material Interactions in the Art of Falconry 皮革和羽毛:猎鹰艺术中的物质相互作用
Pub Date : 2020-09-21 DOI: 10.1515/9783110618587-007
Monika Wagner
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引用次数: 0
The Hooded Falcon as an Allegory of Hope (15th–17th century) 戴头巾的猎鹰作为希望的寓言(15 - 17世纪)
Pub Date : 2020-09-21 DOI: 10.1515/9783110618587-008
B. V. Abeele
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引用次数: 0
Visual Encounters 视觉接触
Pub Date : 2020-09-21 DOI: 10.1515/9783110618587-002
Yannis Hadjinicolaou
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引用次数: 1
Frontmatter
Pub Date : 2020-09-21 DOI: 10.1515/9783110618587-fm
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引用次数: 0
Birds and Angels: A Physiologist Meets Mythology 《鸟与天使:生理学家与神话
Pub Date : 2020-09-21 DOI: 10.1515/9783110618587-014
Peter Geimer
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Visual Engagements
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