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Paradoxes of Democratic Progress in Kuwait: The Case of the Kuwaiti Women's Rights Movement 科威特民主进步的悖论:以科威特妇女权利运动为例
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2011-02-06 DOI: 10.2202/1554-4419.1192
Doron Shultziner, M. Tétreault
This paper analyzes the struggle for women’s suffrage in Kuwait to determine how and why it was successful. The research highlights two paradoxical findings: first, democratic progress occurred despite the pacifying and hindering effects of modernization; second, it was supported more strongly and effectively by Kuwait's autocratic executive than the democratically elected Kuwaiti parliament. We delineate two psychological factors that were connected to the climax of the struggle as they were experienced and acted upon by a relatively small number of Kuwaiti middle- and upper-class women: transformative events and the tying of struggle goals to self-esteem. We examine these factors in the context of interaction between chaotic political circumstances and the new strategy and tactics that suffragists employed in the last phase of their struggle. The analytic approach involves process tracing, field research, interviews, and longitudinal analysis of primary and secondary sources.
本文分析了科威特争取妇女选举权的斗争,以确定它是如何以及为什么成功的。该研究突出了两个矛盾的发现:第一,尽管现代化具有安抚和阻碍作用,但民主进程还是发生了;第二,它得到科威特专制行政当局比民主选举的科威特议会更有力和有效的支持。我们描述了两个与斗争高潮有关的心理因素,因为它们是由相对少数的科威特中上层阶级妇女经历和采取的:变革事件和斗争目标与自尊的联系。我们在混乱的政治环境和妇女参政主义者在斗争的最后阶段采用的新战略和策略之间的相互作用的背景下考察这些因素。分析方法包括过程追踪、实地调查、访谈以及第一手和第二手资料的纵向分析。
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引用次数: 15
Trampling Democracy: Islamism, Violent Secularism, and Human Rights Violations in Bangladesh 践踏民主:孟加拉国的伊斯兰主义、暴力世俗主义和侵犯人权行为
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2011-01-25 DOI: 10.2202/1554-4419.1184
Md. Saidul Islam
This study highlights various totalitarian and undemocratic practices in which Bangladesh’s current Awami League-led coalition regime engages. It shows that since its inception in early 2009, the regime has tried to mobilize and manipulate public support from within through—among other means—creating the discourse of “war crimes” and to obtain international support through the discourse of “Islamism” and terrorism. Although “a secular plan” to combat and replace “Islamism” may soothe the nerves of many in the international community, its deployment in Bangladesh has paradoxically produced a dangerous culture of disappearances and extrajudicial killings, infringements on freedom of speech and the stifling of dissenting voices, and the interception of opposition programs and the torture of opposition leaders and activists. The regime has also made a mockery of the law and the country’s judicial system. Many commentators believe that the country’s law courts are now simply an extension of the regime’s political clout. In these circumstances, political repression continues unabated, and victims of persecution are left with inadequate legal recourse. In the name of combating “Islamic terrorism,” Bangladesh’s ruling regime has resorted to a reign of terror that is in many respects tantamount to what we know as fascism.
这项研究强调了孟加拉国目前由人民联盟领导的联合政权所从事的各种极权主义和不民主的做法。它表明,自2009年初成立以来,该政权一直试图通过制造“战争罪”的话语,以及通过“伊斯兰主义”和恐怖主义的话语,从内部动员和操纵公众的支持。尽管打击和取代“伊斯兰主义”的“世俗计划”可能会安抚国际社会许多人的神经,但它在孟加拉国的部署却自相矛盾地产生了一种危险的文化,包括失踪和法外处决、侵犯言论自由和压制不同意见、拦截反对派计划和折磨反对派领导人和活动人士。该政权还嘲弄了法律和国家的司法体系。许多评论家认为,该国的法院现在只是该政权政治影响力的延伸。在这种情况下,政治镇压继续有增无减,迫害受害者得不到充分的法律援助。在打击“伊斯兰恐怖主义”的名义下,孟加拉国的统治政权采取了在许多方面等同于我们所知的法西斯主义的恐怖统治。
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引用次数: 7
The Judicial Protection of Religious Symbols in Europe's Public Educational Institutions: Thank God for Canada and South Africa 欧洲公共教育机构中宗教符号的司法保护:感谢加拿大和南非
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2011-01-12 DOI: 10.2202/1554-4419.1216
H. ten Napel, Florian H. Karim Theissen
How should judges deal with the manifestation of religious symbols in public educational institutions? In light of the important role of human rights in our legal and political system, courts should grant maximum protection under the freedom of religion or belief. The central thesis of this article is that the European Court of Human Rights fails to live up to this standard. In order to reach this conclusion, the article analyzes relevant case law of the European Court and compares its case law with that of the high courts of Canada and South Africa. In addition, the article assesses the case law of all three courts from the angle of interpretation theory and particularly Cass R. Sunstein’s theory of judicial minimalism. Adoption of a more consistently minimalist methodology by the European Court might lead to a greater protection granted to individuals and groups. However, a wide and deep ruling is first required to overturn the current line of reasoning. The European Court can draw inspiration from Canada and South Africa for such a judgment.
法官应如何处理宗教符号在公共教育机构中的表现?鉴于人权在法律和政治体系中的重要作用,法院应最大限度地保护宗教信仰自由。本文的中心论点是,欧洲人权法院未能达到这一标准。为了得出这一结论,本文分析了欧洲法院的相关判例法,并将其与加拿大和南非高等法院的判例法进行了比较。此外,本文还从解释理论的角度,特别是桑斯坦的司法极简主义理论,对这三个法院的判例法进行了评价。欧洲法院采用一种更一贯的最低限度的方法,可能会使个人和群体得到更大的保护。然而,要推翻目前的推理思路,首先需要一个广泛而深刻的裁决。欧洲法院可以从加拿大和南非的判决中得到启发。
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引用次数: 2
Review of Human Rights, Southern Voices: Francis Deng, Abdullahi An-Na'im, Yash Ghai and Upendra Baxi 《人权评论》,南方之声:Francis Deng, Abdullahi An-Na'im, Yash Ghai和Upendra Baxi
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2011-01-07 DOI: 10.2202/1554-4419.1204
J. Smith
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引用次数: 0
Review of Justice & Rights: Christian and Muslim Perspectives 正义与权利评论:基督教与穆斯林的观点
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2011-01-06 DOI: 10.2202/1554-4419.1208
David T. Buckley
Justice and Rights: Christian and Muslim Perspectives is an ambitious, and fairly compact, edited volume. Ranging from scriptural analysis to historical developments over the course of centuries to contemporary debates in international law, the collection blends analytic essays from leading scholars with historical texts from thinkers like al-Ghazali and Martin Luther. As with any broad edited volume, there are shortcomings here, but on the whole, Justice and Rights provides a useful introduction to the classical and contemporary debates regarding debates over the relationship between religion and human rights. While not exclusively targeted to those researching Islam and human rights, the volume should be of interest to those comparing patterns of rights development in Muslim and Christian communities.
正义与权利:基督教和穆斯林的观点是一个雄心勃勃,相当紧凑,编辑卷。从圣经分析到几个世纪以来的历史发展,再到当代国际法的辩论,该合集将主要学者的分析文章与al-Ghazali和马丁·路德等思想家的历史文本融合在一起。与任何广泛编辑的卷一样,这里有缺点,但总的来说,正义与权利提供了一个有用的介绍古典和当代关于宗教与人权之间关系的辩论。虽然这本书不是专门针对那些研究伊斯兰教和人权的人,但对于那些比较穆斯林和基督教社区的权利发展模式的人来说,这本书应该是有兴趣的。
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引用次数: 0
Has the Information Revolution In Muslim Societies Created New Publics? 穆斯林社会的信息革命是否创造了新的公众?
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2010-08-19 DOI: 10.2202/1554-4419.1187
S. Hashemi-Najafabadi
In this essay, at the outset the meaning of ‘public,’ as it will be deployed in the article, will be delineated. Then by surveying new media, this study intends to show how the information revolution can bring social and political change in Muslim societies, especially in the Middle East. However, in this way a particular level of differentiation will be provided by distinguishing not just such media as satellite broadcasting from the Internet, but the second from the first generation of the Internet. With regard to the relation between online activities and offline social and political behavior, particularly the role of some new Web 2.0 applications, such as Facebook and Twitter, in changing Muslim publics will be discussed and some specific examples from the Muslim world, especially Iran, will be presented. Finally, the implication of this study would be that the Internet may have something to do with the transition from authoritarianism to democracy.
在这篇文章中,在一开始,“公共”的含义将被描述,因为它将在文章中被部署。然后,通过调查新媒体,本研究旨在展示信息革命如何在穆斯林社会,特别是在中东地区,带来社会和政治变革。然而,通过这种方式,不仅可以将卫星广播这样的媒体与互联网区分开来,还可以将第二代互联网与第一代互联网区分开来,从而提供一种特殊程度的区别。关于线上活动与线下社会与政治行为之间的关系,特别是一些新的Web 2.0应用,如Facebook和Twitter,在改变穆斯林公众中的作用,将会被讨论,并将介绍一些来自穆斯林世界,特别是伊朗的具体例子。最后,这项研究的含义是,互联网可能与从威权主义到民主的过渡有关。
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引用次数: 2
Examining Islam and Human Rights from the Perspective of Sufism 从苏菲主义的视角看伊斯兰教与人权
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2010-04-12 DOI: 10.2202/1554-4419.1172
F. Muedini
This paper argues that within the Islamic mystical tradition of Sufism lies an important perspective for approaching human rights. Sufism, while usually perceived as only dealing with spiritual matters, actually expresses a distinct message of service to mankind, and thus should be examined within the discussion of Islam and human rights. Along with Sufism's emphasis on service, the Sufi message of unity with God, and specifically the message of recognizing the existence of God in all creatures resonate soundly within the human rights discourse. With these points in mind, Sufi philosophy heightens the importance of human rights, while also allowing for self-construction regarding issues of human rights, and should be considered as another approach within the Islamic framework that is highly compatible with international human rights.
本文认为,在伊斯兰苏菲主义的神秘主义传统中,存在着一个接近人权的重要视角。苏菲主义,虽然通常被认为只处理精神问题,实际上表达了为人类服务的独特信息,因此应该在伊斯兰教和人权的讨论中加以审查。随着苏菲主义对服务的强调,苏菲与上帝合一的信息,特别是承认上帝存在于所有生物中的信息,在人权话语中产生了良好的共鸣。考虑到这些观点,苏菲哲学强调了人权的重要性,同时也允许在人权问题上进行自我建构,应该被视为伊斯兰框架内与国际人权高度兼容的另一种方法。
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引用次数: 8
To Specify or Single Out: Should We Use the Term "Honor Killing"? 具体说明还是挑出来:我们应该使用“荣誉谋杀”这个词吗?
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2010-04-12 DOI: 10.2202/1554-4419.1162
Rochelle Terman
The use of the term `honor killing' has elicited strong reactions from a variety of groups for years; but the recent Aqsa Parvez and Aasiya Hassan cases have brought a renewed interest from women's rights activists, community leaders, and law enforcement to study the term and come to a consensus on its validity and usefulness, particularly in the North American and European Diaspora. While some aver that the term `honor killing' is an appropriate description of a unique and particular crime, others deem it as rather a racist and misleading phrase used to promote violent stereotypes of particular communities, particularly Muslim minorities in North America and Europe. This article works to lay the groundwork by presenting both sides of the debate over the term `honor killing' and analyzing the arguments various groups use in order to justify their particular definition of the term, and if and how they support its use in public discourse. I argue two main points: one, that `honor killing' exists as a specific form of violence against women, having particular characteristics that warrants its classification as a unique category of violence. Second, I show that while `honor killings' are recognized as such in many non-Western contexts, there is a trend among advocacy organizations in the North American and European Diaspora to avoid, ignore, or rebuke the term `honor killings' as a misleading label that is racist, xenophobic, and/or harmful to Muslim populations. This is a direct response to the misuse of the term mostly within media outlets and public discourse that serves to further marginalize Muslim and immigrant groups.
多年来,“荣誉杀戮”一词的使用引起了各种群体的强烈反应;但最近的阿克萨·帕尔韦兹和阿西娅·哈桑的案件重新引起了女权活动家、社区领袖和执法部门对这一术语的兴趣,并就其有效性和有用性达成共识,特别是在北美和欧洲侨民中。虽然一些人认为“荣誉谋杀”这个词是对一种独特而特殊的犯罪的恰当描述,但其他人认为这是一个种族主义和误导性的短语,用于促进对特定社区的暴力刻板印象,特别是北美和欧洲的穆斯林少数民族。本文通过呈现关于“荣誉谋杀”一词的争论双方,分析不同群体为证明他们对该术语的特定定义而使用的论据,以及他们是否以及如何支持在公共话语中使用该术语,从而奠定基础。我的论点主要有两点:第一,“荣誉谋杀”是针对妇女的一种特殊形式的暴力,具有特殊的特征,有理由将其归类为一种独特的暴力类型。其次,我指出,虽然“荣誉谋杀”在许多非西方背景下被认可,但在北美和欧洲侨民的倡导组织中,有一种趋势,即避免、忽视或谴责“荣誉谋杀”一词是种族主义、仇外心理和/或对穆斯林人口有害的误导性标签。这是对媒体和公共话语中误用这个词的直接回应,这种误用进一步边缘化了穆斯林和移民群体。
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引用次数: 33
Review of Islam and the Challenge of Human Rights 回顾伊斯兰教和人权的挑战
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2010-01-26 DOI: 10.2202/1554-4419.1197
M. Monshipouri
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引用次数: 0
Review of Casting Out: The Eviction of Muslims from Western Law & Politics 《驱逐:西方法律与政治对穆斯林的驱逐》书评
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2010-01-12 DOI: 10.2202/1554-4419.1164
Amélie Barras
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引用次数: 29
期刊
Muslim World Journal of Human Rights
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