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Hasidic Leaders in the Streets of Tel Aviv, 1940-1965 特拉维夫街头的哈西德派领袖,1940-1965
Pub Date : 2021-12-25 DOI: 10.51854/bguy-36a130
Michal Glatter
From the late thirties to the mid-sixties of the twentieth century, Tel Aviv was the seat of dozens of Hasidic courts creating Hasidic precincts in the southern and central parts of the city. The article explores the reason for the Hasidic leaders’ choice to settle in the city with their followers and offers a glimpse of their courts. Hasidic communities distributed throughout the city filled the streets of Tel Aviv with a Hasidic atmosphere. Daily life brought different segments of the population into frequent contact, and generated a unique inter-sectoral mosaic, primarily around special calendar occasions. In the early sixties, the Haredi community in Bnei Brak began to expand and establish educational institutions for the Litvishe and Hasidic communities. As a result, Haredi and Hasidic families slowly moved away from Tel Aviv to Bnei Brak. This trend led, inter alia, to the transfer of several Hasidic courts to Bnei Brak and Jerusalem during the sixties and seventies. The article concludes with a discussion of the diverse reasons for the departure of the Hasidic courts from Tel Aviv and addresses the impact of various processes on Haredi society in the course of the second half of the twentieth century.
从20世纪30年代末到60年代中期,特拉维夫是几十个哈西德派法庭的所在地,在该市的南部和中部地区建立了哈西德派的选区。这篇文章探讨了哈西德派领袖和他们的追随者选择在这个城市定居的原因,并提供了他们的法院的一瞥。遍布全城的哈西德派社区使特拉维夫的街道充满了哈西德派的气氛。日常生活使不同阶层的人口频繁接触,并产生了独特的跨部门马赛克,主要围绕特殊的日历场合。60年代初,Bnei Brak的Haredi社区开始扩大规模,并为Litvishe和Hasidic社区建立教育机构。结果,哈雷迪派和哈西德派家庭慢慢地从特拉维夫搬到了比内布拉克。这一趋势,除其他外,导致在六十年代和七十年代将几个哈西德派法院迁往比内布拉克和耶路撒冷。文章最后讨论了哈西德派法院离开特拉维夫的各种原因,并讨论了二十世纪下半叶各种进程对哈西德派社会的影响。
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引用次数: 0
The Creation of the Nahal Settlement Enterprise 纳哈尔定居点企业的建立
Pub Date : 2021-12-25 DOI: 10.51854/bguy-36a124
Nadav Fraenkel
During the days of the British Mandate in Palestine, the leadership of the Hebrew Yishuv developed the concept of security settlements, i.e., settlements established on the frontier to provide security along the borders of the future state. The concept was put into practice with the Nahal (acronyms of Pioneer Youth Warrior) Brigade settlement enterprise which set up dozens of settlements from 1951 onwards. The first six settlements were founded by ‘lone’ soldiers: immigrants from Eastern Europe and Islamic countries, and natives who did not have a youth movement or pioneering background. The article offers an account of the creation of the Nahal settlement enterprise which adds to the existing research on the subject in two ways. Firstly, it identifies some of the stages in the historical process that have not as yet been adequately described. Secondly, contrary to existing research which claims that the attempt to integrate lone soldiers within the Nahal settlement enterprise failed and had no long-term effects, we argue that the integration achieved most of its goals.
在英国在巴勒斯坦的委任统治时期,希伯来Yishuv的领导层发展了安全定居点的概念,即在边境建立定居点,以提供未来国家边界的安全。这一概念在纳哈尔(先锋青年战士的缩写)旅定居企业中付诸实践,从1951年起建立了数十个定居点。最初的六个定居点是由“孤独”的士兵建立的:来自东欧和伊斯兰国家的移民,以及没有青年运动或开拓背景的当地人。本文从两个方面对纳哈尔聚落企业的创建进行了描述,为已有的研究提供了补充。首先,它确定了历史进程中尚未得到充分描述的一些阶段。其次,现有的研究声称,在纳哈尔定居企业内整合孤独士兵的尝试失败了,没有长期效果,与此相反,我们认为,整合实现了其大部分目标。
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引用次数: 0
’The Trump Era is Here, and I Finally Feel at Home‘ – Sayed Kashua in Illinois “特朗普时代来了,我终于有了家的感觉”——伊利诺伊州的赛义德·卡舒亚
Pub Date : 2021-12-25 DOI: 10.51854/bguy-36a126
S. Goren
In early July 2014, the Israeli-Palestinian author Sayed Kashua declared in his popular Hebrew column in the Ha’aretz newspaper that he is done with Jerusalem, that he has moved to the United States for good and is never coming back. Despite this emotional statement and his decision to give up on Israel, Kashua continued to write his popular weekly column for over three years mostly from his new place of residence in the midwestern city of Champaign, in Illinois, a location vastly different from the Jerusalem he left behind. Using theories of migration and transnational writing to examine Kashua’s non-fictional Hebrew and English works during this period I argue that there is tension between the character Kashua assumes for his Israeli readership and the one he assumes when writing for an American audience. These fictional personae relate differently to the move to the US and the possibility of returning to Israel. Moreover, Kashuua’s Israeli persona continues to write from a minority position whereas his American counterpart, despite concerted efforts, cannot avoid identifying with white privilege. The article then traces the dissolution of Kashua’s dual personae to his decision in November 2017 to stop writing the weekly column.
2014年7月初,以色列裔巴勒斯坦作家赛义德·卡舒亚(Sayed Kashua)在《国土报》(Ha’aretz)上颇受欢迎的希伯来语专栏中宣称,他与耶路撒冷已经一去不返,他已经搬到美国,再也不会回来了。尽管卡舒亚发表了这番激动人心的声明,并决定放弃以色列,但他在三年多的时间里,大部分时间都在伊利诺斯州中西部城市尚佩恩的新住所继续撰写他那广受欢迎的每周专栏,这个地方与他离开的耶路撒冷大不相同。用移民和跨国写作的理论来考察卡舒亚在这一时期的非虚构的希伯来语和英语作品,我认为在卡舒亚为以色列读者所扮演的角色和为美国读者所扮演的角色之间存在着紧张关系。这些虚构的人物与移居美国和返回以色列的可能性有不同的关系。此外,Kashuua以以色列人的身份继续以少数民族的身份写作,而他的美国同行,尽管齐心协力,却无法避免认同白人特权。文章随后将卡舒亚双重身份的解散追溯到他在2017年11月决定停止撰写每周专栏。
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引用次数: 0
From National Autonomy to Independent State: The Bund in the Face of the State of Israel, 1948-1989 从民族自治到独立国家:面对以色列国的外滩,1948-1989
Pub Date : 2021-12-25 DOI: 10.51854/bguy-36a123
Yosef Gorny
The title of the article ’From National Autonomy to Independent State‘ refers to the gradual change that occurred in the wake of the Holocaust with respect to the Bund’s refusal to recognize the State of Israel as the national home of the Jewish people during its first forty years. Yet notwithstanding the historical anti-Zionism ideology of the Bund, the movement never wavered in its identification with the State while remaining critical of Israel’s policy towards the Arab refugee problem created by the War of Independence (1948-1949).
“从民族自治到独立国家”这篇文章的标题是指在大屠杀之后,外滩在其头四十年中拒绝承认以色列国是犹太人民的民族家园,这一逐渐发生的变化。然而,尽管外滩的历史反犹太复国主义意识形态,该运动从未动摇其对国家的认同,同时仍然批评以色列对独立战争(1948-1949)造成的阿拉伯难民问题的政策。
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引用次数: 0
The Sephardic Labor Organization and the Status of Sephardi and Mizrahi Jews in the Yishuv 犹太裔劳工组织与犹太裔和米兹拉希犹太人在伊休夫的地位
Pub Date : 2021-12-25 DOI: 10.51854/bguy-36a128
M. Naor
The article discusses the Sephardic Labor Organization in Palestine which was active from 1940 through 1946 as the roof organization of the Sephardic Labor Organization in Tel Aviv and the Organization of Sephardi and Oriental Workers in Jerusalem. The aim of the Sephardic Labor Organization in Palestine as a whole and in particular, of the Sephardic Labor Organization in Tel Aviv was to improve the economic conditions of Sephardi and Mizrahi workers and to enhance their social and political status in the Yishuv. These activities reflect the status of Sephardi and Mizrahi Jews as a hybrid group on the socioeconomic border between the Jews and Arabs of Mandatory Palestine. The article explores the processes which led to the establishment of Sephardi labor organizations, and which manifest the connection between patterns of employment and standard of living, and between ethnic identity and social status.
文章讨论了巴勒斯坦的西班牙裔劳工组织,该组织从1940年到1946年一直活跃在特拉维夫的西班牙裔劳工组织和耶路撒冷的西班牙裔和东方工人组织的屋顶组织。整个巴勒斯坦的西班牙裔劳工组织,特别是特拉维夫的西班牙裔劳工组织的目标是改善西班牙裔和米兹拉希工人的经济条件,并提高他们在伊休夫的社会和政治地位。这些活动反映了塞法迪犹太人和米兹拉希犹太人作为一个混血群体的地位,在犹太人和阿拉伯人之间的社会经济边界的托管巴勒斯坦。本文探讨了导致西班牙裔劳工组织建立的过程,并揭示了就业模式与生活水平、民族身份与社会地位之间的联系。
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引用次数: 1
Extreme Haredi Leaders and their Isolation from the Zionist Enterprise: Between Ideology and the Challenges of Reality 极端正统派领导人及其与犹太复国主义事业的孤立:在意识形态与现实挑战之间
Pub Date : 2021-12-25 DOI: 10.51854/bguy-36a129
Kimmy Caplan
High on the ideological and theological agenda of extreme Haredi groups is the delegitimization of the Zionist enterprise, its institutions, and the State of Israel, and the subsequent expectation of their rank-and-file to thoroughly isolate themselves from them. Based on existing scholarship and previously undiscovered primary sources, this article traces the conduct of extremist Haredi leaders vis-à-vis Zionist institutions during the British mandate in Palestine and after the establishment of the State. As we shall see, some extreme Haredi leaders elected to implicitly recognize the Zionist enterprise and its institutions. The specific circumstances surrounding the different cases enable us to understand the general phenomenon and to advance some preliminary observations.
极端正统派组织在意识形态和神学议程上的首要任务是使犹太复国主义企业、其机构和以色列国失去合法性,并期望他们的普通民众彻底孤立他们。根据现有的学术研究和以前未发现的原始资料,本文追溯了在英国托管巴勒斯坦期间和建国后极端主义哈瑞迪领导人对-à-vis犹太复国主义机构的行为。正如我们将看到的,一些极端的犹太正统派领导人选择含蓄地承认犹太复国主义企业及其机构。围绕不同案例的具体情况使我们能够了解一般现象,并提出一些初步的观察。
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引用次数: 0
In the Footsteps of the Absent Father: The Protagonist as a Writing Subject in the Work of Ronit Matalon 缺席父亲的足迹:罗尼特·马塔隆作品中的主角写作主体
Pub Date : 2021-12-25 DOI: 10.51854/bguy-36a125
Moran Benit
The article addresses the literary development of the young female protagonist in Ronit Matalon’s early writing, and the character’s relationship with her absent father. Despite the prevalence of this theme, little research has been dedicated to the father-daughter relationship in Matalon’s work and its influence on the daughter’s decision to become a writer. The article examines this theme in Matalon’s young adult novel, A Story that Begins with a Snake’s Funeral (1989). My main argument here is that the father-daughter relationship in Matalon’s work is central to the construction of the daughter’s ’decision to write‘, and points to the issue of inter-generational accountability, in which the daughter is entitled to an inheritance from her father despite her critical view of him. As I will show in my reading of the novel, the fictional representation of this relationship bears an autobiographical imprint, particularly in light of Matalon’s choice to quote her father, Felix Matalon, and to lend his voice to the father figure in her writing. As part of the exploration of this theme, which consists of both fictional and autobiographical aspects, I suggest that the heroine’s efforts to place her absent father in the context of her life and to cope with his absence through her writing point to Matalon’s own efforts to deal with her father’s legacy by writing about him and giving him a place in the Israeli literary canon, while maintaining a critical attitude towards him.
本文论述了罗妮特·马塔隆早期写作中年轻女主人公的文学发展,以及她与缺席的父亲的关系。尽管这个主题很流行,但很少有人研究Matalon作品中的父女关系及其对女儿决定成为作家的影响。本文在Matalon的青少年小说《一个以蛇的葬礼开始的故事》(1989)中探讨了这一主题。我在这里的主要论点是,Matalon作品中的父女关系是构建女儿“写作决定”的核心,并指出了代际责任问题,在这种情况下,女儿有权从父亲那里继承遗产,尽管她对父亲持批评态度。正如我将在阅读这本小说时所展示的那样,这种关系的虚构表现带有自传的印记,特别是考虑到玛塔隆选择引用她父亲菲利克斯·玛塔隆的话,并在她的作品中借用他的声音来表达父亲的形象。作为对这个主题的探索的一部分,包括虚构和自传的方面,我认为女主角努力将她缺席的父亲放在她的生活背景中,并通过她的写作来应对他的缺席,这指向了Matalon自己的努力,她通过写父亲并在以色列文学经典中给他一个位置来处理她父亲的遗产,同时保持对他的批判态度。
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引用次数: 0
‘The Nir Coalition’ in 1959 and the Opposition Struggle against Mapai 1959年的“Nir联盟”和反对Mapai的斗争
Pub Date : 2021-12-25 DOI: 10.51854/bguy-36a122
Y. Weitz
The article deals with the opposition’s success in electing a new Speaker of the Knesset who was not member of ruling party – Mapai. The Mapai Speaker of the Knesset, Yosef Sprinzak, had died in January 1959, and the natural candidate to replace him was Moshe Sharett, an honorable member of Mapai. Sharrett however, turned down the nomination, and the party leaders chose a pale political figure, MK Berl Locker, to run in his stead. As a result of this choice, Yochanan Bader of the Heruth Movement proposed a new candidate – MK Nachum Nir who was not a member of the Mapai party but of Ahdut Ha-Avodah. The vote took place in March 1959, and Nir won, marking the first time a non-Mapai figure was elected to a state position, a highly significant event in Israel’s political history.
这篇文章讨论了反对派成功选举出一位非执政党成员的新议长。1959年1月,以色列议会的马派议长约瑟夫·斯普林扎克(Yosef Sprinzak)去世,接替他的自然人选是马派的荣誉成员摩西·夏雷特(Moshe Sharett)。然而,夏雷特拒绝了提名,该党领导人选择了一位苍白的政治人物,MK Berl Locker来代替他竞选。由于这一选择,赫鲁斯运动的Yochanan Bader提出了一名新的候选人- - MK Nachum Nir,他不是Mapai党的成员,而是Ahdut Ha-Avodah的成员。投票于1959年3月举行,Nir获胜,这标志着非马佩族人士首次当选国家职位,这是以色列政治史上非常重要的事件。
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引用次数: 0
The Experience of Ethnic Estrangement of Sephardi Students in Israeli Yeshiva High Schools in the 1980s 20世纪80年代以色列犹太高中西班牙裔学生的种族隔阂经历
Pub Date : 2021-12-25 DOI: 10.51854/bguy-36a127
Erez Trabelsi
The article deals with remembered experiences of estrangement and devaluation among Mizrahi graduates of yeshiva high schools in the late 1980s. Most of the literature on the experience of estrangement in educational institutions suggests that it derives from cultural or ethno-religious hierarchies. The singularity of this study is the link it finds between the experience of estrangement and the correlation of religious hierarchies with ethnic hierarchies, which in turn, produce an experience of estrangement. The research indicates a construction of Ashkenazi religiosity as standard and Mizrahi religiosity as faulty and out of place in yeshiva high schools. The religious practices and liturgy of the yeshiva high schools in this study followed a purely Ashkenazi tradition. In addition, in their remarks the educational staff focused attention on the inferiority of Mizrahi religiosity and religious practices, perceived as faulty, or devalued them by giving prominence to inversion rites. Internalization of this tagging caused the students to doubt the appropriateness of their family religious practices. At the same time, they were criticized by their families for adopting Ashkenazi religious practices. All this created an experience of estrangement, both in the yeshiva and at home.
这篇文章讲述了20世纪80年代末在犹太高中毕业的米兹拉希人之间的疏远和贬低经历。大多数关于教育机构中疏离经历的文献表明,它源于文化或种族-宗教等级。本研究的独特之处在于它发现了隔阂体验与宗教等级与种族等级之间的联系,而宗教等级又产生了隔阂体验。研究表明,在犹太高中中,德系犹太人的宗教信仰是标准的,而米兹拉希人的宗教信仰是错误的和不合适的。在这项研究中,犹太高中的宗教习俗和礼拜仪式完全遵循德系犹太人的传统。此外,在他们的评论中,教育人员将注意力集中在米兹拉希宗教信仰和宗教习俗的劣等性上,认为它们是错误的,或者通过突出颠倒仪式来贬低它们。这种标签的内化导致学生怀疑他们家庭宗教活动的适当性。与此同时,他们因采用德系犹太人的宗教习俗而受到家人的批评。所有这些都造成了一种疏远的经历,无论是在犹太学校还是在家里。
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引用次数: 0
Homosexuality and the Politics of LGBT Movements in Israel 同性恋和以色列LGBT运动的政治
Pub Date : 2021-12-25 DOI: 10.51854/bguy-36a121
Gili Hartal
Two processes have been central to the LGBT (lesbian, gay, transgender and bisexual) movement in politics since the end of the 1980’s: NGOization, which has led to the practice of assimilation, and homo-nationalism, representing a binary process of normalization and national inclusion. The amalgamation of NGOization and homonationalism have greatly influenced the movements, their agenda, practices, achievements and networks. The article sheds light on the broad neoliberal processes used by the Israeli LGBT movements to achieve power and status. The analysis traces major milestones from the 1980’s to the 21st century. Viewed through a neoliberal perspective, LGBT social movements are revealed to have worked and grown and become more institutionalized and normalized. However, this does not reflect the attainment of more power by the LGBT social movements in Israel; it is indicative rather of their privatization by the state which enables LGBT social movements to fill a niche under the government’s exclusive responsibility. Thus, in the 21st century, the value and valuation of LGBT subjects have been established not so much by the work of their social movements but through their economic and urban power reflective of ’post-homonationalism.
自20世纪80年代末以来,LGBT(女同性恋、男同性恋、跨性别者和双性恋)政治运动的两个核心进程是:导致同化实践的非政府组织(ngo)和同性恋民族主义(gay -nationalism),代表了正常化和民族包容的二元过程。非政府组织与民族主义的融合极大地影响了这些运动及其议程、实践、成果和网络。这篇文章揭示了以色列LGBT运动为获得权力和地位所使用的广泛的新自由主义过程。该分析追溯了从20世纪80年代到21世纪的主要里程碑。从新自由主义的角度来看,LGBT社会运动已经发挥了作用,发展壮大,变得更加制度化和正常化。然而,这并不能反映以色列的LGBT社会运动获得了更多的权力;而是表明他们被国家私有化,这使得LGBT社会运动在政府的专属责任下填补了一个利基。因此,在21世纪,LGBT主体的价值和评价不是通过他们的社会运动的工作建立的,而是通过他们反映“后同性恋民族主义”的经济和城市权力建立的。
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引用次数: 0
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IYUNIM Multidisciplinary Studies in Israeli and Modern Jewish Society
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