{"title":"Rural-to-Urban Migration of Women in India: Patterns and Implications","authors":"Andrea. Singh","doi":"10.4324/9780429267741-5","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4324/9780429267741-5","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":355858,"journal":{"name":"Women in the Cities of Asia","volume":"14 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-03-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121408997","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This book examines research and policy issues at the intersection of 2 major social transformations: increasing urbanization and changes in the status of women. The geographic focus of the book is Asia with some attention given to the Pacific. By focusing on migration a perspective on a variety of issues related to socioeconomic development is provided. Women in rural areas have distinictive economic roles; their out-migration may have consequences on rural development. There are sex-specific cultural constraints on female mobility and such factors as wage discrimination imply differences in economic expectations for women migrants. There are important distinctions between married and single migrants regarding motivations for migration. The consequences of female migration are different from those of male migration with respect to social effects. Changes in the family as an institution are a central component of modernization and analysis of female migration can help detect trends in family processes. Attention to female migrants is warranted for purposes of better social accounting in developing countries and to provide the basis for more informed judgments and policy decisions on a wide range of issues. This book provides an empirical and conceptual overview of female migration. The situation in 6 countries is reviewed. Each countrys trends and patterns of female migration are analyzed and policies affecting women in urban areas are discussed. 4 case studies are presented each based on interviews with selected groups of migrant and nonmigrant women. The adaptation of female migrants in urban settings and specifically on their occupational roles is discussed. Generalizations are derived and issues of public policy are examined. Various topics of interest are highlighted in this introductory chapter. A historical perspective and a global context for female migration is given. The cultural and structural forces that shape migration are examined as well as marriage and social relationships. The studies done in India Pakistan Malaysia Thailand the Philippines and Korea are briefly outline in this chapter. Recommendations for policy and research are touched upon.
{"title":"Urbanization, Migration, and the Status of Women","authors":"Fawcett Jt, S. Khoo, Smith Pc","doi":"10.4324/9780429267741-1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4324/9780429267741-1","url":null,"abstract":"This book examines research and policy issues at the intersection of 2 major social transformations: increasing urbanization and changes in the status of women. The geographic focus of the book is Asia with some attention given to the Pacific. By focusing on migration a perspective on a variety of issues related to socioeconomic development is provided. Women in rural areas have distinictive economic roles; their out-migration may have consequences on rural development. There are sex-specific cultural constraints on female mobility and such factors as wage discrimination imply differences in economic expectations for women migrants. There are important distinctions between married and single migrants regarding motivations for migration. The consequences of female migration are different from those of male migration with respect to social effects. Changes in the family as an institution are a central component of modernization and analysis of female migration can help detect trends in family processes. Attention to female migrants is warranted for purposes of better social accounting in developing countries and to provide the basis for more informed judgments and policy decisions on a wide range of issues. This book provides an empirical and conceptual overview of female migration. The situation in 6 countries is reviewed. Each countrys trends and patterns of female migration are analyzed and policies affecting women in urban areas are discussed. 4 case studies are presented each based on interviews with selected groups of migrant and nonmigrant women. The adaptation of female migrants in urban settings and specifically on their occupational roles is discussed. Generalizations are derived and issues of public policy are examined. Various topics of interest are highlighted in this introductory chapter. A historical perspective and a global context for female migration is given. The cultural and structural forces that shape migration are examined as well as marriage and social relationships. The studies done in India Pakistan Malaysia Thailand the Philippines and Korea are briefly outline in this chapter. Recommendations for policy and research are touched upon.","PeriodicalId":355858,"journal":{"name":"Women in the Cities of Asia","volume":"26 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128581700","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.4324/9780429267741-15
Shah Nm, Smith Pc
This chapter considers the following qestions: How do female labor-force participation rates vary among Indonesia Malyasia Korea Thailand and Pakistan? Are participation rates for female migrants to Asian cities systematically different from those of urban natives? What are some of the constraints and facilitators associated with differentials in female participation rates especially differences between migrants and others? How do the occupational structures of migrant and nonmigrant women vary within and among the 5 countries? The data for the analysis are derived from census and survey data. Migrant and nonmigrant females were compared by occupational status. Migrants were further divided into recent and long-term migrants. Age marital status education and whether or not the respondent was head of the family were controlled. Activity rates and unemployment rates of migrants and nonmigrants are compared. The analysis provides a broad picture of female work participation within the urban areas of each country. the overall % of women who are economically active varies dramatically among the 5 countries--ranging from a low of 4% in Pakistan to a high of 40% in Thailand. The pattern for married migrant women is usually the opposite of that for single and divorced women. The differentials for Korea Malaysia and Pakistan are negligible but in Indonesia and Thailand notably smaller proportions of maried migrant women are in the labro force. Single divorced or recently migrant women seem much more likely to enter the labor force in urban areas than married women. In all the countries married recent migrants at all ages have lower participation rates than nonmigrants. Women who were household heads had consistently higher participation rates than nonheads among both migrants and nonmigrants. 1/2 of all recent migrant females in Indonesia and more than 1/3 in Korea Malaysia and Thailand were employed as service workers compared with much smaller proportions among nonmigrants and longterm migrants. It is likely that many of the recent migrants will be able to move out of domestic service into other occupations such as sales and handicrafts. Recent female migrants fill very specific vacancies in the urban occupational structure--vacancies that are usually low-paid demand long hours of work and are mostly beyond the protection of labor unions or government regulation.
{"title":"Migrant Women at Work in Asia","authors":"Shah Nm, Smith Pc","doi":"10.4324/9780429267741-15","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4324/9780429267741-15","url":null,"abstract":"This chapter considers the following qestions: How do female labor-force participation rates vary among Indonesia Malyasia Korea Thailand and Pakistan? Are participation rates for female migrants to Asian cities systematically different from those of urban natives? What are some of the constraints and facilitators associated with differentials in female participation rates especially differences between migrants and others? How do the occupational structures of migrant and nonmigrant women vary within and among the 5 countries? The data for the analysis are derived from census and survey data. Migrant and nonmigrant females were compared by occupational status. Migrants were further divided into recent and long-term migrants. Age marital status education and whether or not the respondent was head of the family were controlled. Activity rates and unemployment rates of migrants and nonmigrants are compared. The analysis provides a broad picture of female work participation within the urban areas of each country. the overall % of women who are economically active varies dramatically among the 5 countries--ranging from a low of 4% in Pakistan to a high of 40% in Thailand. The pattern for married migrant women is usually the opposite of that for single and divorced women. The differentials for Korea Malaysia and Pakistan are negligible but in Indonesia and Thailand notably smaller proportions of maried migrant women are in the labro force. Single divorced or recently migrant women seem much more likely to enter the labor force in urban areas than married women. In all the countries married recent migrants at all ages have lower participation rates than nonmigrants. Women who were household heads had consistently higher participation rates than nonheads among both migrants and nonmigrants. 1/2 of all recent migrant females in Indonesia and more than 1/3 in Korea Malaysia and Thailand were employed as service workers compared with much smaller proportions among nonmigrants and longterm migrants. It is likely that many of the recent migrants will be able to move out of domestic service into other occupations such as sales and handicrafts. Recent female migrants fill very specific vacancies in the urban occupational structure--vacancies that are usually low-paid demand long hours of work and are mostly beyond the protection of labor unions or government regulation.","PeriodicalId":355858,"journal":{"name":"Women in the Cities of Asia","volume":"13 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122103494","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.4324/9780429267741-16
Gardner Rw, Wright Pa
This study focuses on the Chinese Filipino Japanese and Korean female immigrants living in the city and county of Honolulu where 4/5 of the foreign born Asians live. Using data from a 1975 sample survey the following central questions are addressed: How do female Asian immigrant fare economically and socially compared with US-born females having similar characteristics? Are there differences among female Asian immigrants of the different ethnic groups and between the recent (1965-75) female arrivals and earlier female immigrants? Several measures of succes and adaptation are examined both singly and in combination. The data were obtained from a 5% sample survey of all households on Oahu conducted by a local survey firm in April 1975 for the US Office of Equal Opportunity. Among young adults (ages 18-24) Asian immigrants of both sexes show labor force participation rates quite similar to the rates of the total population. Recent arrivals especially females show lower rates whereas the rates of long-term female Asian immigrants are the highest of any group. Young adult Asian immigrants do not seem to be particularly disadvantaged compared with US-born Asians in proportions unemployed and unemployment rates. Long-term young adult Asian immigrants have especially low unemployment rates. In the 25-64 age group compared with the younger group participation rates are higher for males and lower for females no matter what their migration status. US-born Asians have unemployment rates well below those of the total population and long-term Asian immigrants especially the males show almost no unemployment. Most immigrant females hold menial jobs; relatively few are in professional occupations. This is also true for immigrant males. Upward mobility with increasing duration of residence is more evident for males than females. In relation to educational levels the occupational structure of the immigrant females is highly disadvantageous compared with that of US-born Asian females. Incomes of the immigrant females are very low initially but improve substantially with increasing duration of residence.
{"title":"Female Asian Immigrants in Honolulu: Adaptation and Success","authors":"Gardner Rw, Wright Pa","doi":"10.4324/9780429267741-16","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4324/9780429267741-16","url":null,"abstract":"This study focuses on the Chinese Filipino Japanese and Korean female immigrants living in the city and county of Honolulu where 4/5 of the foreign born Asians live. Using data from a 1975 sample survey the following central questions are addressed: How do female Asian immigrant fare economically and socially compared with US-born females having similar characteristics? Are there differences among female Asian immigrants of the different ethnic groups and between the recent (1965-75) female arrivals and earlier female immigrants? Several measures of succes and adaptation are examined both singly and in combination. The data were obtained from a 5% sample survey of all households on Oahu conducted by a local survey firm in April 1975 for the US Office of Equal Opportunity. Among young adults (ages 18-24) Asian immigrants of both sexes show labor force participation rates quite similar to the rates of the total population. Recent arrivals especially females show lower rates whereas the rates of long-term female Asian immigrants are the highest of any group. Young adult Asian immigrants do not seem to be particularly disadvantaged compared with US-born Asians in proportions unemployed and unemployment rates. Long-term young adult Asian immigrants have especially low unemployment rates. In the 25-64 age group compared with the younger group participation rates are higher for males and lower for females no matter what their migration status. US-born Asians have unemployment rates well below those of the total population and long-term Asian immigrants especially the males show almost no unemployment. Most immigrant females hold menial jobs; relatively few are in professional occupations. This is also true for immigrant males. Upward mobility with increasing duration of residence is more evident for males than females. In relation to educational levels the occupational structure of the immigrant females is highly disadvantageous compared with that of US-born Asian females. Incomes of the immigrant females are very low initially but improve substantially with increasing duration of residence.","PeriodicalId":355858,"journal":{"name":"Women in the Cities of Asia","volume":"23 4 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131323665","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This chapter decribes contemport patterns of female migration in the Philippines and reviews policy-making and planning as they relate to women and particularly to female migrants. Women are numerically dominant in almost all kinds of contemport Philippine migration and they constitute a large majority in the recent unbanward migration of teenage and young-adult cohorts. Contemporary and historical data on womens occupations in urban areas are also examined. Data from the turn of the century indicate that most occupations were filled predominantly by men whereas more recently women have come to participate in or even dominate many occupational categories. The final section of this essay reviews Philippine policies and programs aimed directly at women or migrants. It is concluded that despite demonstrated importance of women in the Philippine migration system there is little official recognition of these patterns in the governments programs. One of the most important characteristics of female urbanward migration in the Philippines is that it is not entirely or even primarily a migration to the largest metropolitan area. Only 1/3 of the unbanward total was found in the Manila metropolitan area in 1970. Many Philippine cities have recently been attracting disproportionate numbers of single literate women whose urban lifestyles involve a high level of economic activity especially in the urban service economy. The growth of education and female migrants occupations are discussed. The growth of education is probably the single most important social change in the Philippines in this century and its importance is especially pronounced for women. The mean level of educational attainment has risen across the population as a whole and sex differentials in educational attainment and literacy have reduced substantially. 1 of the most important social consequences of Philippine economic development is the rise of a westernized and capitalist middle and upper class and a service economy organized around it. Some occupations have expanded and others have declined. Within the professions women are predominantly concentrated in teaching and nursing. The service occupations employed only 16.6% of urban-born women in the urban sector.
{"title":"The Migration of Women in the Philippines","authors":"Eviota Eu, Smith Pc","doi":"10.4324/9780429267741-9","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4324/9780429267741-9","url":null,"abstract":"This chapter decribes contemport patterns of female migration in the Philippines and reviews policy-making and planning as they relate to women and particularly to female migrants. Women are numerically dominant in almost all kinds of contemport Philippine migration and they constitute a large majority in the recent unbanward migration of teenage and young-adult cohorts. Contemporary and historical data on womens occupations in urban areas are also examined. Data from the turn of the century indicate that most occupations were filled predominantly by men whereas more recently women have come to participate in or even dominate many occupational categories. The final section of this essay reviews Philippine policies and programs aimed directly at women or migrants. It is concluded that despite demonstrated importance of women in the Philippine migration system there is little official recognition of these patterns in the governments programs. One of the most important characteristics of female urbanward migration in the Philippines is that it is not entirely or even primarily a migration to the largest metropolitan area. Only 1/3 of the unbanward total was found in the Manila metropolitan area in 1970. Many Philippine cities have recently been attracting disproportionate numbers of single literate women whose urban lifestyles involve a high level of economic activity especially in the urban service economy. The growth of education and female migrants occupations are discussed. The growth of education is probably the single most important social change in the Philippines in this century and its importance is especially pronounced for women. The mean level of educational attainment has risen across the population as a whole and sex differentials in educational attainment and literacy have reduced substantially. 1 of the most important social consequences of Philippine economic development is the rise of a westernized and capitalist middle and upper class and a service economy organized around it. Some occupations have expanded and others have declined. Within the professions women are predominantly concentrated in teaching and nursing. The service occupations employed only 16.6% of urban-born women in the urban sector.","PeriodicalId":355858,"journal":{"name":"Women in the Cities of Asia","volume":"55 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115563485","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Gender-related differences in migration are clearly evident. A need for specific analysis of female migration exists. Recent research provides preliminary evidence of the steadily expanding stream of female migration both the associational migration of wives accompanying migrant spouses and the autonomous migration of unattached women. A problem of analyzing female migration is the difficulty of identifying female migration that is independent of household or family migration. This chapter proposes a gender-specific framework to redress the male bias in approaches to migration and to analyze the specific causes of female migration with a view to assessing the significance of gender in migration. By focusing on income and employment opportunities in the urban labor market as well as the role of the urban marriage market and the special institutional cultural and political constraints on womens migration this framework can serve as the basis for organizing empirical research on female migration in developing countries. Females now predominate in the migration streams throughout Latin America and parts of Asia. They also represent a growing proportion of internal migrants in Africa. The migration of women like that of men is job-oriented; employment opportunities and wage differentials actual or perceived between rural and urban areas are of central significance. A distinguishing feature however is the importance of marriage as a reason for migration. Marriage could be an unavoidable correlate of migration. The autonomous migration of women may be found only where values supporting or at least sanctioning their mobility prevail. Key variables in the proposed model are: the differential between expected urban income and average rural income; the mobility-marriage factor expressed in terms of marriage probabilities to males either engaged in or actively seeking work; differential reflecting the relative probabilities of marriage to any eligible urban male; the strength of sex-role constraints on any kind of spatial mobility for women from particular areas of origin; and all other residual factors such as distance that might modify the pace and direction of female migration.
{"title":"Female Migration: A Conceptual Framework","authors":"Thadani Vn, Todaro Mp","doi":"10.4324/9780429267741-3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4324/9780429267741-3","url":null,"abstract":"Gender-related differences in migration are clearly evident. A need for specific analysis of female migration exists. Recent research provides preliminary evidence of the steadily expanding stream of female migration both the associational migration of wives accompanying migrant spouses and the autonomous migration of unattached women. A problem of analyzing female migration is the difficulty of identifying female migration that is independent of household or family migration. This chapter proposes a gender-specific framework to redress the male bias in approaches to migration and to analyze the specific causes of female migration with a view to assessing the significance of gender in migration. By focusing on income and employment opportunities in the urban labor market as well as the role of the urban marriage market and the special institutional cultural and political constraints on womens migration this framework can serve as the basis for organizing empirical research on female migration in developing countries. Females now predominate in the migration streams throughout Latin America and parts of Asia. They also represent a growing proportion of internal migrants in Africa. The migration of women like that of men is job-oriented; employment opportunities and wage differentials actual or perceived between rural and urban areas are of central significance. A distinguishing feature however is the importance of marriage as a reason for migration. Marriage could be an unavoidable correlate of migration. The autonomous migration of women may be found only where values supporting or at least sanctioning their mobility prevail. Key variables in the proposed model are: the differential between expected urban income and average rural income; the mobility-marriage factor expressed in terms of marriage probabilities to males either engaged in or actively seeking work; differential reflecting the relative probabilities of marriage to any eligible urban male; the strength of sex-role constraints on any kind of spatial mobility for women from particular areas of origin; and all other residual factors such as distance that might modify the pace and direction of female migration.","PeriodicalId":355858,"journal":{"name":"Women in the Cities of Asia","volume":"45 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121031149","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This chapter examines the female component of migration patterns in Peninsular Malaysia both past and present. In order to define the causes of female migration the demographic and socioeconomic characteristics of a recent cohort of female rural-to-urban migrants are examined. Several studies of migration in Malaysia are reviewed as well as the implications of recent economic policies. Finally the urgent priorities for research action in this area are discussed. Urbanization proceeded slowly before 1947. The total urban population grew at 3.2%/year for the 1957-70 intercensal period. This rate of growth is not much higher than expected natural increase so that rural-urban migration played a lesser role in urban growth. This chapter limits analysis to persons aged 10 and over. Migrants have a younger age distribution than both the urban and rural female population. About 77% of the female rural-to-urban migrants above age 10 in all 3 communities were between 10 and 30 years old when they migrated. Slightly less than 1/2 the female migrants were married in 1970. There is a higher % of married female migrants than male migrants. About 22% of the female migrants aged 10 and above lack formal education; but only 6% of male migrants have no education. On average it appears that migrant women are better educated than nonmigrant women in the ruban or rural areas indicating a rural-to-urban brain drain. Chinese female migrants are the best educated and Indian migrants the least educated. 1/2 of all female rural-to-urban migrants reported their main actvity as looking after the house even though they are better educated than the average women. Only 25% of the migrant women are employed whereas 3% are unemployed and 16% are students. Job opportunities for young women in urban areas are increasing and attracting rural residents. A number of government programs implemented after 1970 may also have drawn female migrants. Research priorities are studying national trends and patterns of recent female migration in the peninsula; characteristics of female migrants their motivations for migration and their adaptation to urban life; and the effect of the governments development and labor-force policies on female migration.
{"title":"Female Rural-to-Urban Migration in Peninsular Malaysia","authors":"Khoo Se, P. Pirie","doi":"10.4324/9780429267741-7","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4324/9780429267741-7","url":null,"abstract":"This chapter examines the female component of migration patterns in Peninsular Malaysia both past and present. In order to define the causes of female migration the demographic and socioeconomic characteristics of a recent cohort of female rural-to-urban migrants are examined. Several studies of migration in Malaysia are reviewed as well as the implications of recent economic policies. Finally the urgent priorities for research action in this area are discussed. Urbanization proceeded slowly before 1947. The total urban population grew at 3.2%/year for the 1957-70 intercensal period. This rate of growth is not much higher than expected natural increase so that rural-urban migration played a lesser role in urban growth. This chapter limits analysis to persons aged 10 and over. Migrants have a younger age distribution than both the urban and rural female population. About 77% of the female rural-to-urban migrants above age 10 in all 3 communities were between 10 and 30 years old when they migrated. Slightly less than 1/2 the female migrants were married in 1970. There is a higher % of married female migrants than male migrants. About 22% of the female migrants aged 10 and above lack formal education; but only 6% of male migrants have no education. On average it appears that migrant women are better educated than nonmigrant women in the ruban or rural areas indicating a rural-to-urban brain drain. Chinese female migrants are the best educated and Indian migrants the least educated. 1/2 of all female rural-to-urban migrants reported their main actvity as looking after the house even though they are better educated than the average women. Only 25% of the migrant women are employed whereas 3% are unemployed and 16% are students. Job opportunities for young women in urban areas are increasing and attracting rural residents. A number of government programs implemented after 1970 may also have drawn female migrants. Research priorities are studying national trends and patterns of recent female migration in the peninsula; characteristics of female migrants their motivations for migration and their adaptation to urban life; and the effect of the governments development and labor-force policies on female migration.","PeriodicalId":355858,"journal":{"name":"Women in the Cities of Asia","volume":"18 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134060479","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.4324/9780429267741-19
S. Khoo, John W. Bruce, Fawcett Jt, Smith Pc
This chapter summarizes the main policy planning and research issues related to female migration and women in Asian countries. 2 aspects of development have a profound effect on the migration of women to cities in Asia: The increasing level of female education and the strategy of industrialization adopted in several East and Southeast Asian countries. Migrant women tend to be more educated than those remaining in the rural areas. An urban bias in the quality and availability of educational facilities contributes sigificantly to the educational selectivity of migrants. Employment opportunities for women have resulted from the industrialization strategy adopted by some countries. The womans financial contribution to her familys resources and the link she can provide in the city for new arrivals from the village enhance her status within the family. Rural to urban migrants tend to be in the 15-29 age group and women migrants are usually younger than men. An imbalance of the sex ratio can alter marriage patterns and where agricultural tasks are sex-specific cause changes in labor practices. Another important effect of migration on rural sending areas is the value of remittances received by family members remaining behind and their use of remittances. More efficient and responsive services can be designed if low-income urban and migrant women are regarded not as a single clinet group but as several groups identified by age marital status economic activity and family responsibilities. Each of these factors is considered in this chapter. The rising trend in female urbanward migration and related patterns of sex selectivity in migration streams pose interesting research questions about the relationship of these patterns to cultural forces the pace of urbanization and strategies of development. 3 research areas deserve high priority: the changing demographic picture; the need for public services and facilies for single female migrants from rural areas and female heads of household in large cities; and the impact on rural sending communities.
{"title":"Women in Asian Cities: Policies, Public Services, and Research","authors":"S. Khoo, John W. Bruce, Fawcett Jt, Smith Pc","doi":"10.4324/9780429267741-19","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4324/9780429267741-19","url":null,"abstract":"This chapter summarizes the main policy planning and research issues related to female migration and women in Asian countries. 2 aspects of development have a profound effect on the migration of women to cities in Asia: The increasing level of female education and the strategy of industrialization adopted in several East and Southeast Asian countries. Migrant women tend to be more educated than those remaining in the rural areas. An urban bias in the quality and availability of educational facilities contributes sigificantly to the educational selectivity of migrants. Employment opportunities for women have resulted from the industrialization strategy adopted by some countries. The womans financial contribution to her familys resources and the link she can provide in the city for new arrivals from the village enhance her status within the family. Rural to urban migrants tend to be in the 15-29 age group and women migrants are usually younger than men. An imbalance of the sex ratio can alter marriage patterns and where agricultural tasks are sex-specific cause changes in labor practices. Another important effect of migration on rural sending areas is the value of remittances received by family members remaining behind and their use of remittances. More efficient and responsive services can be designed if low-income urban and migrant women are regarded not as a single clinet group but as several groups identified by age marital status economic activity and family responsibilities. Each of these factors is considered in this chapter. The rising trend in female urbanward migration and related patterns of sex selectivity in migration streams pose interesting research questions about the relationship of these patterns to cultural forces the pace of urbanization and strategies of development. 3 research areas deserve high priority: the changing demographic picture; the need for public services and facilies for single female migrants from rural areas and female heads of household in large cities; and the impact on rural sending communities.","PeriodicalId":355858,"journal":{"name":"Women in the Cities of Asia","volume":"81 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122965710","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This chapter reviews past and current research in female migration in Thailand and outlines policies that influence this component of mobility. Female migration is placed in the context of overall migration and urbanization patterns in Thailand. Characteristics of female migrants motivation for migration and adjustment problems are discussed. The final section examines current policies for female migrants and makes recommendations for implementing new programs in this area. It was not until 1960 that information relevent to the migration of Thailands population was tabulated. This study uses census data for 1960 and 1970 to examine changing patterns of internal migration in Thailand. Between 1960 and 1970 the total population increased by 31%; the number of recent migrants by 125%. The data clearly indicate that overall migration in Thailand is rapidly increasing. Between 1955 and 1960 and 1965 and 1970 there was a striking change in the sex composition of migrants to the capital with a higher proportion of female than male migrants in the period of 1965-70. Female migration to urban areas is particularly high among young adults. The Survey of Migration in Bangkok metropolis painted a picture of the typical migrant as a young unmarried male or female from a village in the northeast who moves to Bangkok without any other family members to seek employment as a laborer or service worker. The proportion of women who migrated between 1965 and 1970 increased steadily with higher educational attainment. The pattern of education plays a role in the migration process. From ages 7 to 13 female migrants were less likely to be attending school than female nonmigrants. Over 50% of female migrants to Bangkok take jobs as service sport and recreation workers while more than 1/4 become crafts workers production process workers and laborers. Most migration is motivated by a combination of unfavorable conditions at the place of origin. Economics played a major role in migration decisions in this study. Education was also an important motivating factor. The provision of better information on migration and urban employment is recommended.
{"title":"Female Migration in Thailand","authors":"F. Arnold, S. Piampiti","doi":"10.4324/9780429267741-8","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4324/9780429267741-8","url":null,"abstract":"This chapter reviews past and current research in female migration in Thailand and outlines policies that influence this component of mobility. Female migration is placed in the context of overall migration and urbanization patterns in Thailand. Characteristics of female migrants motivation for migration and adjustment problems are discussed. The final section examines current policies for female migrants and makes recommendations for implementing new programs in this area. It was not until 1960 that information relevent to the migration of Thailands population was tabulated. This study uses census data for 1960 and 1970 to examine changing patterns of internal migration in Thailand. Between 1960 and 1970 the total population increased by 31%; the number of recent migrants by 125%. The data clearly indicate that overall migration in Thailand is rapidly increasing. Between 1955 and 1960 and 1965 and 1970 there was a striking change in the sex composition of migrants to the capital with a higher proportion of female than male migrants in the period of 1965-70. Female migration to urban areas is particularly high among young adults. The Survey of Migration in Bangkok metropolis painted a picture of the typical migrant as a young unmarried male or female from a village in the northeast who moves to Bangkok without any other family members to seek employment as a laborer or service worker. The proportion of women who migrated between 1965 and 1970 increased steadily with higher educational attainment. The pattern of education plays a role in the migration process. From ages 7 to 13 female migrants were less likely to be attending school than female nonmigrants. Over 50% of female migrants to Bangkok take jobs as service sport and recreation workers while more than 1/4 become crafts workers production process workers and laborers. Most migration is motivated by a combination of unfavorable conditions at the place of origin. Economics played a major role in migration decisions in this study. Education was also an important motivating factor. The provision of better information on migration and urban employment is recommended.","PeriodicalId":355858,"journal":{"name":"Women in the Cities of Asia","volume":"21 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125108487","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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