Pub Date : 2021-09-01DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780190841577.003.0004
M. L. Schrad
Chapter 4 turns to temperance and liberalism within the German and Austro-Hungarian Empires. In Germany, liberals promoted temperance not through social movements that had no hope of penetrating the closed autocracy, but as incremental policy reforms within the autocratic bureaucracy. Their primary target was the exploitative East Prussian Junker aristocracy and their high-proof schnapps. Along with the “cult of the offensive,” in the lead-up to World War I, Kaiser Wilhelm II and the German high command promoted what this chapter calls the “cult of military sobriety”—that a sober army will be a victorious one—which would be emulated worldwide with the outbreak of the Great War. Meanwhile, in the Austro-Hungarian Empire, the temperance cause is taken up by liberal nationalists, such as Czechoslovak founding father Tomáš Masaryk, who made the case for abstinence, democratic liberation, and self determination.
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Pub Date : 2021-09-01DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780190841577.003.0013
M. L. Schrad
Chapter 13 examines the Reconstruction Era struggle for women’s rights and African American rights through the American Equal Rights Association, and the Woman’s Christian Temperance Union (WCTU), especially the WCTU activism of acclaimed black writer Frances Ellen Watkins Harper. Born of the so-called Woman’s Temperance Crusade of 1873–1974, under the leadership of Frances Willard, the WCTU would become the most successful woman’s organization of all time. Willard’s Do Everything campaign expanded women’s activism, both nationally and globally. Despite racial tensions within the WCTU, temperance activism provided the main avenue of political organization for women across the Reconstruction-Era South, both black and white. By the 1890s Willard had made common cause between not just temperance, equal rights, antilynching leagues, and suffragist movements, but—as a Christian socialist—with both the domestic and international labor movement as well.
第13章通过美国平等权利协会和基督教妇女禁酒联盟(WCTU)，特别是著名黑人作家弗朗西丝·艾伦·沃特金斯·哈珀(Frances Ellen Watkins Harper)的WCTU运动，考察了重建时期为争取妇女权利和非裔美国人权利而进行的斗争。在弗朗西丝·威拉德(Frances Willard)的领导下，WCTU诞生于1873-1974年所谓的妇女禁酒运动，成为有史以来最成功的妇女组织。威拉德的“做一切”运动在全国和全球范围内扩大了妇女的行动主义。尽管WCTU内部存在种族矛盾，但禁酒运动为重建时期南方的黑人和白人妇女提供了政治组织的主要途径。到19世纪90年代，威拉德不仅在节制、平等权利、反私刑联盟和妇女参政运动之间建立了共同事业，而且作为一名基督教社会主义者，他还与国内和国际劳工运动建立了共同事业。
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Pub Date : 2021-09-01DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780190841577.003.0016
M. L. Schrad
Chapter 16 examines the predations of the parasitic Gilded Age “liquor trusts”--akin to the big railroad, steel, and financial trusts--including the United States Brewers’ Association and the Liquor Dealers’ Association, which corrupted law enforcement and government representatives. Unlike these trusts, the Anti-Saloon League (ASL) could not buy off politicians, but relied on agitation and publicity—ensuring that constituents were fully informed as to their elected representatives’ voting records on temperance. Progressive prohibitionists made common cause with good-governance “muckrakers” like Pussyfoot Johnson and Upton Sinclair. The chapter turns to the wave of state-level prohibitions, beginning with the Oklahoma’s prohibition statehood in 1907, drawing on the long-standing prohibitionism of Native Americans. From there, the “dry wave” swept the American South, where the liquor traffic was more diffused and less organized, and temperance sentiment was strong among both white and black communities.
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Pub Date : 2021-09-01DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780190841577.003.0005
M. L. Schrad
Part II of the book (Chapters 5–8) examines the British Empire, with Chapter 5 focusing on liquor and imperialism within the British Isles, where temperance movement first took hold in the periphery of Scotland and Ireland. The chapter explores the colonizer’s alcohol narrative in Ireland, used to justify the domination of Britain’s “first colony.” In the 1840s, Fr. Theobald Mathew’s wildly popular Irish temperance movement quickly fused with the cause of Irish nationalism, thanks to Daniel O’Connell. With the advent of “Maine Law” prohibitionism, everyone from John Stuart Mill to Karl Marx contributed to debates over alcohol control and prohibition. Intertwined with Irish Home Rule, British prohibitionism crested in 1895 and then gave way to Gothenburg alcohol control and pub reform, especially with World War I. Similar imperial dynamics of alco-colonization are noted in Britain’s other white settler colonies: Canada, Australia, and New Zealand.
本书的第二部分(第5 - 8章)考察了大英帝国，第5章关注的是不列颠群岛上的酒和帝国主义，禁酒运动首先在苏格兰和爱尔兰的边缘地区开展。这一章探讨了殖民者在爱尔兰的酒精叙事，用来证明英国对“第一个殖民地”的统治是合理的。19世纪40年代，西奥多·马修神父(Fr. Theobald Mathew)广受欢迎的爱尔兰禁酒运动迅速与丹尼尔·奥康奈尔(Daniel O 'Connell)的爱尔兰民族主义事业融合在一起。随着“缅因法”禁酒主义的出现，从约翰·斯图亚特·密尔到卡尔·马克思，每个人都参与了关于酒精控制和禁酒的辩论。与爱尔兰的地方自治交织在一起，英国的禁酒主义在1895年达到顶峰，然后让位给哥德堡酒精控制和酒吧改革，特别是在第一次世界大战期间。类似的帝国酒精殖民动态在英国的其他白人移民殖民地:加拿大、澳大利亚和新西兰也有所体现。
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Pub Date : 2021-09-01DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780190841577.003.0007
M. L. Schrad
Chapter 7 follows Mahatma Gandhi’s embrace of prohibitionism as resistance against Britain’s “narco-military empire,” first in South Africa and then in India. Gandhi understood that the British system of imperial dominance was built upon trafficking addictive opium and alcohol, the revenues from which paid for military occupation. Nationalists Gandhi and C. Rajagopalachari adopted temperance tactics such as picketing liquor stores as part of their noncooperation activism. Their Prohibition League of India—a “social” rather than “political” organization—provided organizational safe haven for nationalists of the Indian National Congress when the British clamped down on Gandhi’s nationalist efforts. Making common cause with transnational temperance norm entrepreneurs such as “Pussyfoot” Johnson added greater legitimacy to both Indian nationalism and prohibitionism, which became utterly synonymous in Gandhi’s quest for independence.
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Pub Date : 2021-09-01DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780190841577.003.0014
M. L. Schrad
Traditional prohibition histories make a big to-do about evangelical Christianity. But as Chapter 14 explores, the evangelism of the Progressive Era was not about Bible thumping, or otherworldly damnation. Rather the social gospel—most famously pioneered by the Baptist Walter Rauschenbusch—was about uplifting the poor and downtrodden as per Jesus’s example. Social justice meant doing right by your fellow man, not getting him addicted for profit. Rauschenbusch’s evangelism was socialism with a Christian moral compass. This chapter examines the social gospel, including Henry George’s famed “single tax” on unearned income as a way to remedy the vast inequalities of wealth and power. Neither temperance nor evangelism was antithetical to new medical-science and social-science approaches the liquor question. The chapter traces the effects of this evangelism on the antiliquor progressivism of Theodore Roosevelt in New York politics.
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Pub Date : 2021-09-01DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780190841577.003.0003
M. L. Schrad
Chapter 3 pivots to European social democracy and the role that the “liquor question” played in its evolution, both in Sweden and Belgium. In Sweden, the so-called Gothenburg system of disinterested management and municipal dispensary became the foremost alternative to prohibitionism. By entrusting the liquor trade to local civic leaders conducting the business on temperance principles, the profit motive was removed, and with it, the negative externalities of the unregulated liquor trade. The chapter charts the evolution of the liquor question in Sweden through the rise of social democratic leader Hjalmar Branting: from imprisoned journalist to Nobel Peace Prize winner and the first ever social democratic head of state. Similar developments are tracked in Belgium, with socialist minister Emile Vandervelde championing the downtrodden Belgian worker, while also opposing the murderous, capitalist-imperialist liquor exploitation of the Congo by its own sovereign, King Leopold II.
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Pub Date : 2021-09-01DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780190841577.003.0009
M. L. Schrad
Armed with a new appreciation for prohibitionism as an anti-imperialist, anti-predatory-capitalist movement for community self-determination, Part III returns us to the United States, where prohibitionism goes back to the very first colonization of North America. Indeed, America’s first prohibitionists were its first peoples: battling against the “white man’s wicked water,” through which their sovereignty was stripped, in the same way as indigenous populations in Africa, South Asia, and Australia. Chapter 9 highlights the role of Miami chief Little Turtle in urging President Thomas Jefferson to enact, in 1802, the first federal prohibition of the trafficking of liquor to native tribes, even while liquor excises had become the primary pillar of state finance of the young republic.
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Pub Date : 2021-09-01DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780190841577.003.0011
M. L. Schrad
This chapter begins with the starting point of conventional temperance narratives: Lyman Beecher’s Six Sermons on Intemperance (1826), and the American Temperance Society (ATS). Rather than being an admonishment against drinking, his sermons condemned the selling of drink, thus underscoring how the modern temperance movement always tilted against the profit motive of the liquor traffic rather than against booze itself. Understanding prohibitionism as a weapon of the weak, this chapter examines the overlooked role of black temperance at a time when abolitionism and temperance were virtually synonymous. In 1851 Maine rescinded all liquor-selling licenses, making it the first prohibition state: a move applauded by Frederick Douglass and black activists, who equated the bonds of addiction with the bonds of slavery. Even the great emancipator himself—the famously temperate Abraham Lincoln—was instrumental in passing Illinois’s “Maine Law” while a state legislator.
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Pub Date : 2021-09-01DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780190841577.003.0008
M. L. Schrad
Chapter 8 examines temperance and prohibition history within the Ottoman Empire and secular Turkey. Drinking and viticulture were widespread throughout the empire, though the trade was often in the hands of non-Muslims. The Ottoman liquor traffic even became integral to the European-run Ottoman Public Debt Administration. Mustafa Kemal Atatürk was among the drunkest leaders in world history, yet Atatürk and the secular Turkish government in Ankara embraced prohibitionism as a means of denying badly needed alcohol revenues to the Christians occupying their lands—most notably the British controlling Istanbul and the Greeks around Smyrna. Turkish prohibition expanded across Anatolia, as Atatürk liberated Turkey’s occupied territories. Only in 1924, with the end of foreign occupation, was the Kemalist prohibition rescinded, and replaced with a national alcohol monopoly, in which the financial benefits of the liquor trade would accrue to the Turkish state, not to foreigners.
第八章考察了奥斯曼帝国和世俗土耳其的禁酒历史。饮酒和葡萄种植在整个帝国都很普遍，尽管贸易通常在非穆斯林手中。奥斯曼的酒类运输甚至成为欧洲人管理的奥斯曼公共债务管理局不可或缺的一部分。穆斯塔法·凯末尔(Mustafa Kemal atatatrk)是世界历史上最酗酒的领导人之一，然而atatrk和安卡拉的世俗土耳其政府却将禁酒主义作为一种手段，拒绝向占领他们土地的基督徒提供急需的酒精收入——最著名的是控制伊斯坦布尔的英国人和士麦那周围的希腊人。土耳其的禁令扩大到整个安纳托利亚，因为土耳其解放了土耳其占领的领土。直到1924年，随着外国占领的结束，凯末尔主义者的禁令才被废除，取而代之的是全国性的酒类垄断，酒类贸易的经济利益将归土耳其政府所有，而不是外国人。
{"title":"The Dry Man of Europe—Ottoman Prohibition against British Domination","authors":"M. L. Schrad","doi":"10.1093/oso/9780190841577.003.0008","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190841577.003.0008","url":null,"abstract":"Chapter 8 examines temperance and prohibition history within the Ottoman Empire and secular Turkey. Drinking and viticulture were widespread throughout the empire, though the trade was often in the hands of non-Muslims. The Ottoman liquor traffic even became integral to the European-run Ottoman Public Debt Administration. Mustafa Kemal Atatürk was among the drunkest leaders in world history, yet Atatürk and the secular Turkish government in Ankara embraced prohibitionism as a means of denying badly needed alcohol revenues to the Christians occupying their lands—most notably the British controlling Istanbul and the Greeks around Smyrna. Turkish prohibition expanded across Anatolia, as Atatürk liberated Turkey’s occupied territories. Only in 1924, with the end of foreign occupation, was the Kemalist prohibition rescinded, and replaced with a national alcohol monopoly, in which the financial benefits of the liquor trade would accrue to the Turkish state, not to foreigners.","PeriodicalId":356459,"journal":{"name":"Smashing the Liquor Machine","volume":"3 5 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123542241","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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