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Whataboutery Whataboutery
Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-01-01 DOI: 10.5840/ijap2021329148
Eoin O’Connell
A person points to a situation, A, and says that A is morally repugnant; A ought to be condemned; we should do something about A. In response, another person says, “Well, what about B? B is analogous to A in that it is equally morally repugnant. If we ought to condemn and do something about A then we should also condemn and do something about B.” This “what about” response is an argumentative strategy, sometimes called “whataboutery” or “whataboutism.” In popular discussion, whataboutery is condemned as a fallacy, in particular an instance of the tu quoque fallacy. I will present an analysis of whataboutery showing that, to the degree that this is a fallacy, it is a red herring. But this argumentative move cannot always be dismissed as fallacious. Sometimes the imputation of fallacious reasoning attempts to cover over political commitments.
一个人指出情况A,说A在道德上令人反感;A应该受到谴责;我们应该对a做点什么。另一个人回答说:“那B呢?B和A类似,因为它们在道德上同样令人反感。如果我们应该谴责并对A做点什么,那么我们也应该谴责并对b做点什么。这种“关于什么”的回答是一种辩论策略,有时被称为“关于什么”或“关于什么”。在流行的讨论中,“关于什么”被谴责为一种谬论,特别是“你是谁”谬论的一个例子。我将提出一个关于什么的分析,在某种程度上,这是一个谬论,它是一个转移注意力的话题。但这种论证的举动不能总是被视为谬误而不予理会。有时,错误推理的归咎试图掩盖政治承诺。
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引用次数: 1
The Right-Based Criticism of the Doctrine of Double Effect 双重效果主义的权利本位批判
Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-01-01 DOI: 10.5840/IJAP2021331150
Stephen Kershnar, R. Kelly
If people have stringent moral rights, then the doctrine of double effect is false or unimportant, at least when it comes to making acts permissible or wrong. There are strong and weak versions of the doctrine of double effect. The strong version asserts that an act is morally right if and only if the agent does not intentionally infringe a moral norm and the act brings about a desirable result (perhaps the best state of affairs available to the agent or a promotion of the common good). The weak version asserts that, other things being equal, it is deontically worse to intentionally infringe a norm than to foreseeably do so. A person’s intention or mere foresight might still be relevant to his or her blameworthiness or virtue, but this is a separate issue.
如果人们有严格的道德权利,那么双重效应学说是错误的或不重要的,至少在决定行为是允许的还是错误的时候。双重效应学说有强效和弱效之分。强版本断言,当且仅当行为人没有故意违反道德规范,并且该行为带来了理想的结果(也许是行为人可获得的最佳状态或促进共同利益)时,行为在道德上是正确的。弱版本断言,在其他条件相同的情况下,故意违反规范比可预见的行为在道义上更糟糕。一个人的意图或仅仅是远见可能仍然与他或她的罪责或美德有关,但这是一个单独的问题。
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引用次数: 1
Justice in Migration: Are Human Rights Enough? 移民中的正义:人权就足够了吗?
Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-01-01 DOI: 10.5840/IJAP2021329146
A. Stilz
Gillian Brock’s Justice for People on the Move is an important contribution to the migration literature. While I agree with many of Brock’s arguments, I focus here on a few key points of difference between us. I press three interrelated concerns about Brock’s view: first, the practical implications of her assessment of the state-system’s current illegitimacy remain too unclear. Second, Brock’s human rights-based theory neglects the importance of citizens’ democratic agency, in a way that may have paternalistic implications. Third, Brock’s view is tolerant of inequalities of wealth and power that may enable relations of exploitation, as we see by examining her advocacy of guestworker schemes. The article draws attention to those places where Brock’s view faces hard questions, and explains why I might have answered some of these questions differently.
吉莉安·布洛克的《为流动人口伸张正义》是对移民文学的重要贡献。虽然我同意布洛克的许多观点,但我在这里着重讨论我们之间的几个关键不同点。关于布洛克的观点,我强调了三个相互关联的问题:首先,她对当前国家体系非法性的评估的实际含义仍然太不清楚。其次,布洛克以人权为基础的理论忽视了公民民主机构的重要性,在某种程度上可能带有家长式的意味。第三,布洛克的观点是容忍财富和权力的不平等,这可能使剥削关系成为可能,正如我们通过研究她对客工计划的倡导所看到的那样。这篇文章让人们注意到布洛克的观点面临的棘手问题,并解释了为什么我可能会以不同的方式回答这些问题。
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引用次数: 0
Sati and the Hindu Woman 萨蒂和印度女人
Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-01-01 DOI: 10.5840/IJAP2021329147
J. Duran
Sati as a trope for the general status of women within certain portions of the Hindu cultures of India is examined, with a view toward clarification of its history and current context. The work of Sangari and Vaid, Banerjee and Mala Sen is cited, and the notion that sati is a misappropriated concept is analyzed.
在印度印度教文化的某些部分中,萨蒂作为妇女一般地位的比喻进行了研究,以期澄清其历史和当前背景。本文引用了Sangari和Vaid, Banerjee和Mala Sen的作品,并分析了sati是一个被滥用的概念。
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引用次数: 0
Forgiving and Forbearing Punishment 宽恕和容忍惩罚
Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-01-01 DOI: 10.5840/IJAP2021331149
P. Lenta
Most philosophers who have expressed a view about whether forgiveness is compatible with forgivers’ continuing to punish, or support the punishment of, people who have wronged them hold that forgiveness is compatible with punishing or favouring punishment of wrongdoers. I argue that whether forgiveness entails forbearing punishment depends on which of two senses of forgiveness is operative. On the first, sentiment-based sense of forgiveness as consisting essentially in a change of heart on the part of a victim, a victim can, I submit, forgive while continuing to punish or to support the punishment of a person who has wronged her. On the second sense of forgiveness as consisting in debt remission whether or not accompanied by a change of heart, the state’s remission of the entirety of criminal offenders’ punishment qualifies as forgiveness and, moreover, the state could not forgive offenders in this sense while continuing to punish them.
大多数哲学家对宽恕是否与宽恕者继续惩罚或支持惩罚那些冤枉他们的人相一致表示了看法,他们认为宽恕与惩罚或支持惩罚犯错的人是相一致的。我认为宽恕是否需要容忍惩罚取决于两种意义上的宽恕哪一种是有效的。第一种,基于情感的宽恕本质上是由受害者的内心改变所构成的,我认为,受害者可以在原谅的同时继续惩罚或支持对伤害她的人的惩罚。在宽恕的第二种意义上,无论是否伴随着改变心意,国家对罪犯的全部惩罚的宽恕都是宽恕,而且,在这种意义上,国家不能在继续惩罚罪犯的同时宽恕罪犯。
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引用次数: 0
Self-Determination, Human Rights, and Migration 自决、人权和移民
Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-01-01 DOI: 10.5840/IJAP2021322144
A. Sangiovanni
Gillian Brock’s compelling and richly textured new book aims to set out a human-rights-based framework for thinking about justice in migration. There is much to celebrate in these chapters, not least Brock’s masterful effort at weaving together her basic justificatory framework with real-world political concerns. In this article, I query the focus she places on self-determination in setting out the basic normative argument elaborated in Chapters 2, 3, and 9. In particular, I will wonder whether she gives the collective self-determination of a people anything more than instrumental value, and so whether she is able to distance herself from so-called proponents of “open borders”.
吉莉安·布洛克的新书引人入胜,内容丰富,旨在为思考移民中的正义提出一个基于人权的框架。在这些章节中有很多值得庆祝的地方,尤其是布洛克将她的基本辩护框架与现实世界的政治关切编织在一起的精湛努力。在这篇文章中,我质疑她在阐述第2章、第3章和第9章中阐述的基本规范论点时,把重点放在了自决上。特别是,我想知道,她是否赋予了一个民族的集体自决更多的工具价值,因此,她是否能够与所谓的“开放边界”支持者保持距离。
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引用次数: 0
About the Contritutors 关于投稿人
Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-01-01 DOI: 10.5840/ijap20203411
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引用次数: 0
Moral Character and Exemplification in Professional, Public, and Political Life 职业、公共和政治生活中的道德品质和典范
Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-11-04 DOI: 10.5840/IJAP2019729113
David Carr
While qualities of good character are of great significance and value in human social and professional affairs—and conduct which at least conforms to such qualities is invariably required for public service employment—they cannot be a requirement of the private lives of citizens in free societies. That said, there seems more of a case for the personal possession of such qualities in the case of those human professions and services for which moral exemplification to others may be considered an inherent part of the professional role. After some consideration of arguments for and against such moral character exemplification in relation to such professional roles as religious ministry and teaching, this paper proceeds to make some case for politics as professional role of this exemplificatory kind.
虽然良好的性格品质在人类社会和职业事务中具有重要意义和价值——至少符合这些品质的行为总是公共服务岗位所要求的——但它们不能成为自由社会公民私人生活的要求。也就是说,在那些人类职业和服务的情况下,个人拥有这些品质似乎更有理由,因为对他人的道德榜样可能被认为是职业角色的固有组成部分。在考虑了与宗教事工和教学等职业角色相关的道德品质范例的支持和反对论点之后,本文继续为政治作为这种范例类型的职业角色提供一些案例。
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引用次数: 0
Growing Older and Getting Wiser 变老变聪明
Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-11-04 DOI: 10.5840/IJAP201987118
N. Jecker
Health care reform to provide long-term care supportive services for growing numbers of older Americans presents ethical, cultural, and political challenges. This paper draws lessons from Japan, the world’s oldest nation, to develop an ethical argument in support of enacting public long-term care in the U.S. Despite cultural and political challenges, the paper shows that the ethical case for reform is strong, with broad ethical support from a range of ethical perspectives.
为越来越多的美国老年人提供长期护理支持服务的医疗改革带来了道德、文化和政治挑战。本文借鉴了世界上最古老的国家日本的经验,提出了支持在美国实施公共长期护理的伦理论点。尽管存在文化和政治挑战,但本文表明,改革的伦理理由是充分的,并从一系列伦理角度获得了广泛的伦理支持。
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引用次数: 0
Indicting a President 起诉总统
Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-11-04 DOI: 10.5840/IJAP201988122
C. Perry
Although it is clear that the Chief Executive may be impeached while in office, it is generally thought that a sitting President cannot suffer criminal indictment while in office. There are two general arguments in support of this position. The first argument notes that criminal indictment of the President would so interfere with the duties of the office as to constitute a violation of the Constitution. The second argument simply refers to the express language of the Constitution providing that the remedy for intolerable occupation of the office is impeachment and conviction. While the Constitution does not expressly preclude indictment and prosecution, it is argued that the Constitution only so allows upon impeachment and conviction. This essay aspires to more fully explore the two alleged constitutional prohibitions against the criminal indictment of the occupant of the Office of the President and to argue that each suffers sufficiently to render each doubtful as a ground for guaranteeing Presidential immunity.
虽然行政长官在任职期间可以被弹劾,但一般认为现任总统在任职期间不会受到刑事起诉。有两个普遍的论点支持这一立场。第一个论点指出,对总统的刑事起诉会干扰总统的职责,从而构成违反宪法的行为。第二个论点简单地引用了《宪法》的明文规定,即对无法容忍的职务侵占的补救办法是弹劾和定罪。虽然宪法没有明确禁止起诉和起诉,但有人认为,宪法只允许在弹劾和定罪时这样做。本文希望更充分地探讨两项所谓的宪法禁止对总统办公室的占用者进行刑事起诉的规定,并认为每一项规定都遭受了足够的痛苦,足以使每一项规定都成为保障总统豁免的理由。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
International Journal of Applied Philosophy
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