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The Machine Has a Soul最新文献

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ABBREVIATIONS 缩写
Pub Date : 2021-01-12 DOI: 10.2307/j.ctv1416268.5
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引用次数: 0
Back Matter 回到问题
Pub Date : 2021-01-12 DOI: 10.2307/j.ctv1416268.16
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引用次数: 0
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS 致谢
Pub Date : 2021-01-12 DOI: 10.2307/j.ctv1416268.4
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引用次数: 0
List of Illustrations 插图一览表
Pub Date : 2021-01-12 DOI: 10.2307/j.ctv1416268.3
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引用次数: 0
CONCLUSION: 结论:
Pub Date : 2021-01-12 DOI: 10.2307/j.ctv1416268.12
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引用次数: 0
Mystic in a Morning Coat: 穿晨礼服的神秘主义者:
Pub Date : 2021-01-12 DOI: 10.2307/j.ctv1416268.8
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引用次数: 0
The Good Adventure 美好的冒险
Pub Date : 2021-01-12 DOI: 10.23943/PRINCETON/9780691208107.003.0002
K. Hull
This chapter examines how American sympathizers with fascism reacted against the prevailing culture of disillusionment in the wake of World War I. By 1922, they could tell Italy's story in a satisfying narrative arc, starting with despair and ending with redemption. According to their perceptions, Italians in 1920 were extreme embodiments of the modern mood. These observers argued that fascist squads excited senses numbed by the apathetic atmosphere left in the wake of the war. Richard Washburn Child and Herbert Schneider both suggested that fascist violence was not necessary for the suppression of communism. Anne O'Hare McCormick, by contrast, insisted that the fascists prevented a Bolshevik-style revolution in Italy. But whatever their position on the relationship between the biennio rosso and fascism, all three of these observers admired squadrist violence qua violence.
本章考察了一战结束后,同情法西斯主义的美国人是如何对当时盛行的幻灭文化做出反应的。到1922年,他们已经能用令人满意的叙事弧线讲述意大利的故事,从绝望开始,以救赎结束。根据他们的看法,1920年的意大利人是现代情绪的极端体现。这些观察人士认为,法西斯小队刺激了被战后留下的冷漠气氛所麻木的感官。理查德·沃什伯恩·查尔德和赫伯特·施奈德都认为法西斯暴力对于镇压共产主义是不必要的。相比之下,安妮·奥黑尔·麦考密克坚持认为,法西斯分子阻止了意大利发生布尔什维克式的革命。但无论他们对双年展与法西斯主义之间的关系持何种立场,这三位观察家都钦佩游击队员的暴力行为。
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引用次数: 0
Man as the Measure of All Things 人是万物的尺度
Pub Date : 2021-01-12 DOI: 10.23943/PRINCETON/9780691208107.003.0005
K. Hull
This chapter assesses how, during the depression years, American fascist sympathizers fashioned images of Italy and Benito Mussolini to suggest the kind of country they wanted the United States to be, and the kind of leader they wanted the United States to have. These observers echoed widespread interpretations of the depression as a product of machine-made capitalism, exacerbated by a government that had fetishized technology at the expense of human beings. A silver lining of the crisis, they believed, was that it forced a recalibration of the United States, away from bigness, mass-production, and the metropolis, toward simplicity, the home, and the countryside. In Franklin D. Roosevelt, some fascist sympathizers saw a leader who, like Mussolini, understood ordinary people and wanted, above anything, to help them. And by relaying the apparent successes of fascist policies, American sympathizers argued that the New Deal could succeed in making man, rather than machines, once more the measure of all things.
本章评估了在大萧条时期,美国法西斯同情者如何塑造意大利和贝尼托·墨索里尼的形象,以暗示他们希望美国成为什么样的国家,以及他们希望美国拥有什么样的领导人。这些观察人士附和了人们对大萧条的普遍解读,认为大萧条是机器制造的资本主义的产物,而政府以牺牲人类为代价来崇拜技术,加剧了大萧条。他们认为,危机的一线希望是,它迫使美国重新调整,从庞大、大规模生产和大都市,转向简单、家庭和农村。在富兰克林·d·罗斯福(Franklin D. Roosevelt)身上,一些法西斯主义者的同情者看到了一个像墨索里尼(Mussolini)一样理解普通人、最重要的是想要帮助他们的领导人。通过再现法西斯政策的明显成功,美国的同情者认为,新政可以成功地让人,而不是机器,再次成为衡量一切的标准。
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引用次数: 0
The Dream Machine 梦想机器
Pub Date : 2021-01-12 DOI: 10.23943/PRINCETON/9780691208107.003.0004
K. Hull
This chapter focuses on the fascist sympathizers' accounts of the destruction of democracy and the creation of the corporate state in Italy. In the late 1920s, Herbert Schneider, Richard Washburn Child, Anne O'Hare McCormick, and Generoso Pope presented a three-part argument about democracy and political reform in Italy and the United States. First, they harked back to the time of a multiparty system in Italy to imply a cautionary tale for the United States. Even if American democracy had not sunk to the same nadir as Italian democracy, a lack of congressional expertise, the rise of special interest groups, and popular disillusionment meant that it was experiencing similar symptoms of decay, they suggested. Second, they insisted that, through the corporate state, the fascist government had adapted political institutions to contemporary exigencies, enabling expert and efficient management of economic problems, and advancing policies in the direction of the general good. Last, these observers argued that the United States, too, needed to look beyond its preexisting institutions of government to create a state that was adept at dealing with the problems of modernity. They used fascist Italy to transport Americans to a different place, where policies were better managed, and the government was more popular, than in the United States.
这一章的重点是法西斯同情者对意大利民主的破坏和公司国家的建立的描述。20世纪20年代末,赫伯特·施耐德、理查德·沃什伯恩·查尔德、安妮·奥黑尔·麦考密克和杰罗索·波普就意大利和美国的民主和政治改革进行了三部分的论述。首先,他们回顾了意大利的多党制时代,为美国提供了一个警示。他们认为,即使美国的民主没有像意大利那样陷入谷底,国会专家的缺乏、特殊利益集团的崛起以及民众的幻灭感意味着美国也在经历类似的衰退症状。其次,他们坚持认为,通过企业国家,法西斯政府调整了政治制度以适应当代的紧急情况,使经济问题能够得到专家和有效的管理,并朝着普遍利益的方向推进政策。最后,这些观察家认为,美国也需要超越其原有的政府机构,建立一个善于处理现代性问题的国家。他们利用法西斯意大利把美国人转移到另一个地方,那里的政策管理得更好,政府比美国更受欢迎。
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引用次数: 0
The Garden of Fascism: 法西斯主义花园:
Pub Date : 2021-01-12 DOI: 10.2307/j.ctv1416268.11
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引用次数: 0
期刊
The Machine Has a Soul
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