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Presidential Elections and Majority Rule最新文献

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The Jeffersonian Electoral College in the Twentieth Century 20世纪的杰斐逊选举团制度
Pub Date : 2020-01-13 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780190060152.003.0005
E. Foley
For most of the twentieth century, including the 80-year period between 1912 and 1992, the existence of third-party or independent candidates did not prevent the Electoral College from producing majoritarian results consistent with the expectations of its Jeffersonian architects for how two-party competition was supposed to work. 1912 was anomalous for its three-way split among two Republican presidents, one incumbent and one former, running against the Democratic nominee; but its outcome was not clearly different from what the Jeffersonian system, operating properly, would have produced. 1992 involved another three-way split—among Bush, Clinton, and Perot—with a result that is uncertain from a Jeffersonian perspective, since it is debatable what the outcome would have been if there had been runoffs in the states to see which candidate was preferred by a majority. The century ended with an election, 2000, in which the system clearly malfunctioned; Nader’s presence masked Gore’s majority.
在20世纪的大部分时间里,包括1912年至1992年的80年期间,第三党或独立候选人的存在并没有阻止选举团产生多数主义的结果,这与杰斐逊学派的设计者们对两党竞争应该如何运作的期望是一致的。1912年是不寻常的,因为当时有三位共和党总统,一位现任总统和一位前任总统,与民主党候选人竞争;但它的结果与杰斐逊系统正常运行时产生的结果并没有明显的不同。1992年又出现了布什、克林顿和佩罗之间的三方分裂,从杰斐逊的角度来看,结果是不确定的,因为如果在各州进行决选,看哪一位候选人得到多数人的青睐,结果会是什么是有争议的。本世纪以2000年的选举结束,选举制度明显失灵;纳德的出现掩盖了戈尔的多数优势。
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引用次数: 0
Conclusion 结论
Pub Date : 2020-01-13 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780190060152.003.0010
E. Foley
Election College reform should be considered in the context of overall concerns about American democracy. Civic culture is essential, as is strengthening democratic institutions. While the United States must address other institutional weaknesses, including gerrymandering, the power of the presidency requires urgent attention to the current deficiency of the Electoral College. The problem is that plurality winner-take-all permits the kind of accident that occurred in 1844, where the winner is not the candidate preferred by a majority of voters in enough states for an Electoral College majority. Insofar as this kind of accident may have happened again in 2016, recognizing this institutional problem requires a different analysis and solution than if a majority of Americans want to elect a president with anti-democratic tendencies. Currently, there is a mismatch between America’s expectation of two-party competition and the multicandidate reality of contemporary presidential elections. Majority rule is necessary to realign reality and expectations.
选举团改革应该放在对美国民主的整体关注的背景下考虑。公民文化是必不可少的,加强民主体制也是必不可少的。虽然美国必须解决其他制度上的弱点,包括不公正地划分选区,但总统的权力需要迫切关注目前选举团制度的不足。问题在于,多数赢家通吃的情况会导致1844年发生的那种意外,当时的赢家并不是在足够多的州获得选举人团多数支持的候选人。鉴于这类事故可能在2016年再次发生,与大多数美国人希望选举一位具有反民主倾向的总统相比,认识到这一制度问题需要不同的分析和解决方案。目前,美国对两党竞争的期望与当代总统选举中多候选人的现实之间存在着不匹配。多数决定原则对于调整现实和期望是必要的。
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引用次数: 0
The Jeffersonian Electoral College in the Twenty-First Century 21世纪的杰斐逊选举团制度
Pub Date : 2020-01-13 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780190060152.003.0006
E. Foley
The 2016 election is, at a minimum, problematic from a Jeffersonian perspective, like 1992, and may have been another systemic malfunction, like 2000. Donald Trump received 107 of his 304 electoral votes in states where he won less than 50 percent of the popular vote—failing to achieve the kind of compound majority-of-majorities consistent with the Jeffersonian vision of how the system should work. 2016 illustrates the system’s inability to handle third-party and independent candidates, like Gary Johnson and Jill Stein, an inability caused by the addition of plurality winner-take-all in the Jacksonian era. It is unknowable whether Trump or Hillary Clinton would have won runoffs in the three pivotal Rust Belt states of Michigan, Wisconsin, and Pennsylvania. But if Clinton had won runoffs there (and in the states where she was only a plurality winner), then she would have won the Electoral College with an appropriately Jeffersonian majority-of-majorities.
从杰斐逊的角度来看,2016年的选举至少是有问题的,就像1992年一样,也可能是另一场系统性故障,就像2000年一样。唐纳德·特朗普(Donald Trump)获得了304张选举人票中的107张,而他在这些州赢得的普选票不到50%——未能实现杰斐逊(Jeffersonian)关于选举系统应该如何运作的那种复合多数。2016年的选举表明,这个系统无法处理像加里·约翰逊(Gary Johnson)和吉尔·斯坦(Jill Stein)这样的第三方和独立候选人,这种无能是由杰克逊时代的多数派赢家通吃造成的。特朗普还是希拉里·克林顿会在密歇根州、威斯康星州和宾夕法尼亚州这三个关键的锈带州赢得决选,目前还不清楚。但是,如果克林顿在那里赢得了决选(以及在那些她只是以多数票获胜的州),那么她就会以适当的杰斐逊式多数中的多数赢得选举团。
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Presidential Elections and Majority Rule
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