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European Yearbook on Human Rights 2018最新文献

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Enhanced Structure and Geographical Balance: Reforming the OSCE's Human Dimension Meetings 加强结构和地域平衡:改革欧安组织的人文层面会议
Pub Date : 2018-10-31 DOI: 10.1017/9781780688008.020
Jean P. Froehly
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引用次数: 0
The Impact of ECtHR and CJEU Judgments on the Rights of Asylum Seekers in the European Union: Adversaries or Allies in Asylum? 欧洲人权法院和欧洲法院判决对欧盟寻求庇护者权利的影响:庇护中的敌人还是盟友?
Pub Date : 2018-10-31 DOI: 10.1017/9781780688008.015
J. D. Coninck
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引用次数: 0
Stijn Smet and Eva Brems (eds.): When Human Rights Clash at the European Court of Human Rights – Conflict or Harmony? Stijn Smet和Eva Brems(编):欧洲人权法庭的人权冲突——冲突还是和谐?
Pub Date : 2018-10-31 DOI: 10.1017/9781780688008.029
C. Seewald
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引用次数: 0
Katja S. Ziegler, Elizabeth Wicks and Loveday Hodson (eds.): The UK and European Human Rights – A Strained Relationship? 卡佳·齐格勒、伊丽莎白·威克斯、洛夫迪·霍德森主编:《英国与欧洲人权——紧张的关系?》
Pub Date : 2018-10-31 DOI: 10.1017/9781780688008.026
Christian Breitler
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引用次数: 5
Nicole Bürli: Third-Party Interventions before the European Court of Human Rights Nicole brli:第三方在欧洲人权法庭的干预
Pub Date : 2018-10-31 DOI: 10.1017/9781780688008.028
Philipp Alexander Dillinger
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引用次数: 0
Philip Leach: Taking a Case to the European Court of Human Rights, 4th Edition 菲利普·利奇:《向欧洲人权法院提起诉讼》,第4版
Pub Date : 2018-10-31 DOI: 10.1017/9781780688008.032
F. Hasel
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引用次数: 0
Rising Populism and its Impact on Women's Rights: Selected Cases from the OSCE Region 兴起的民粹主义及其对妇女权利的影响:来自欧安组织区域的个案
Pub Date : 2018-10-31 DOI: 10.1017/9781780688008.023
Ajla van Heel, Jacopo Leone
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引用次数: 0
Sionaidh Douglas-Scott and Nicholas Hatzis (eds.): Research Handbook on EU Law and Human Rights 肖奈德·道格拉斯-斯科特和尼古拉斯·哈齐斯(编):欧盟法律与人权研究手册
Pub Date : 2018-10-31 DOI: 10.1017/9781780688008.033
Melanie Helene Schinagl
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引用次数: 0
Salafism in Europe: A Legal and Political Analysis of Human Rights and Security 萨拉菲主义在欧洲:人权与安全的法律与政治分析
Pub Date : 2018-10-31 DOI: 10.1017/9781780688008.018
Claudia V. Elion
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引用次数: 0
The Vanishing Constitution 正在消失的宪法
Pub Date : 2018-10-01 DOI: 10.1017/9781780688008.003
M. Wyrzykowski
ABSTRACT In Poland, the constitutional crisis continues. The crisis was initiated in autumn 2015 by the combination of three elements: resolutions of the Parliament infringing the law, the President of the Republic and the President of the Council of Ministers. The constitutional crisis concerned the election by the Parliament of three judges of the Constitutional Tribunal to replace the judges already duly elected, the President‘s refusal to swear in the original three judges of the Constitutional Tribunal and the refusal of the Prime Minister to publish the judgments of the Constitutional Tribunal. The Acts passed in 2015 and 2016 regulate the Constitutional Tribunal in a way that is to be considered as violating the Constitution. The Constitutional Tribunal lost its role as the guardian of the Constitution. Further, the Parliament, in violation of the Constitution, made changes in the organisation and structure of the Supreme Court, inter alia , forcing more than 30 % of the judicial membership into early retirement or interrupting the constitutionally-guaranteed six – year term of office of the First President of the Supreme Court. Furthermore, the new regulation regarding the National Council of the Judiciary has encroached on the term of office of the Council‘s judicial members. Moreover, this reform set in motion a process of politicisation of the Council because its new judicial membership was appointed by the Parliament and not – as formerly required – by the assemblies of judges of particular judicial orders. These, as well as many other regulations, indicate a process of a ‘ hostile takeover ‘ of the constitutional order by changing the constitutional order through ordinary legislation: the parliamentary majority does not have the qualified majority required to formally change the Constitution of the Republic of Poland. The regulations discussed above violate the basic tenets of the rule of law and have become the subject of an unequivocally negative reaction of international organisations and authorities (the European Union (EU), the Council of Europe (CoE), and the United Nations (UN)) as well as associations representing general and constitutional courts. THE CONTEXT OF THE CONSTITUTIONAL CRISIS It is somewhat puzzling that there should be a phenomenon of a social movement protecting the constitutional order after the Constitution of the Republic of Poland has been in force for 20 years.
在波兰,宪法危机仍在继续。这场危机始于2015年秋季,由三个因素共同引发:议会违反法律的决议、共和国总统和部长会议主席。宪法危机涉及议会选举宪法法庭的三名法官,以取代已经正式选出的法官,总统拒绝让宪法法庭原来的三名法官宣誓就职,总理拒绝公布宪法法庭的判决。2015年和2016年通过的《宪法法》对宪法裁判所的规定将被视为违反宪法。宪法法庭失去了宪法守护者的作用。此外,议会违反《宪法》,对最高法院的组织和结构进行了改革,除其他外,迫使30%以上的司法成员提前退休,或中断宪法保障的最高法院第一任院长的六年任期。此外,关于国家司法委员会的新条例已经侵犯了该委员会司法成员的任期。此外,这一改革启动了司法委员会政治化的进程,因为其新的司法成员是由议会任命的,而不是像以前所要求的那样由特定司法命令的法官大会任命。这些条例以及许多其他条例表明,通过普通立法改变宪法秩序,“恶意接管”宪法秩序的过程:议会多数不具备正式修改波兰共和国宪法所需的特定多数。上述讨论的条例违反了法治的基本原则,并已成为国际组织和当局(欧盟(EU)、欧洲委员会(CoE)和联合国(UN))以及代表普通法院和宪法法院的协会明确作出负面反应的主题。宪法危机的背景在《波兰共和国宪法》生效20年之后,竟然出现了一场维护宪法秩序的社会运动,这有点令人费解。
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引用次数: 3
期刊
European Yearbook on Human Rights 2018
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