Pub Date : 2021-08-19DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780198860839.003.0005
L. Clemens, Rebecca Tollan
We propose a unified account of the presence of syntactic ergativity and the availability of variable post-verbal word order in the Tongic branch of Polynesian languages. In Tongan, ergative subjects cannot freely extract, and both VSO and VOS word orders are possible. By contrast, ergative subjects in Niuean freely extract, but word order with two full DP arguments is strictly VSO. We argue that these differences stem from a single point of parametric variation in the syntax: the locus of absolutive case assignment (Bittner & Hale 1996; a.o.). In Tongan, absolutive is assigned by T0, such that the object must A-move past the ergative subject, giving rise to extraction restrictions and the availability of VOS word order. In Niuean, absolutive is assigned by v 0; as such, there is no object A-movement, hence no extraction restrictions, and VOS is not possible.
我们提出了一个统一的帐户的存在的句法作格性和可变后词序的可用性在波利尼西亚语言的汤加分支。在汤加语中，否定主语不能自由提取，VSO和VOS语序都是可能的。相比之下，纽埃语的否定主语可以自由提取，但两个完整的DP论点的语序是严格的VSO。我们认为，这些差异源于句法参数变化的单一点:绝对大小写分配的轨迹(Bittner & Hale 1996;a.o)。在汤加语中，绝对词由T0赋值，因此宾语必须移到否定主语前面，这就产生了提取限制和VOS词序的可用性。在纽埃尔语中，绝对值由v0赋值;因此，没有对象a移动，因此没有提取限制，并且不可能实现VOS。
{"title":"Syntactic ergativity as absolutive movement in Tongic Polynesian","authors":"L. Clemens, Rebecca Tollan","doi":"10.1093/oso/9780198860839.003.0005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198860839.003.0005","url":null,"abstract":"We propose a unified account of the presence of syntactic ergativity and the availability of variable post-verbal word order in the Tongic branch of Polynesian languages. In Tongan, ergative subjects cannot freely extract, and both VSO and VOS word orders are possible. By contrast, ergative subjects in Niuean freely extract, but word order with two full DP arguments is strictly VSO. We argue that these differences stem from a single point of parametric variation in the syntax: the locus of absolutive case assignment (Bittner & Hale 1996; a.o.). In Tongan, absolutive is assigned by T0, such that the object must A-move past the ergative subject, giving rise to extraction restrictions and the availability of VOS word order. In Niuean, absolutive is assigned by v\u0000 0; as such, there is no object A-movement, hence no extraction restrictions, and VOS is not possible.","PeriodicalId":375022,"journal":{"name":"Polynesian Syntax and its Interfaces","volume":"320 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-08-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132295088","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-08-19DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780198860839.003.0011
Julianne M Doner
This chapter investigates predicate-EPP languages as a typological class through comparison of Irish, Inuktitut, and Niuean and their contrast with French and Finnish. It is argued that predicate-EPP languages are characterized by raising of a predicate, rather than a verbal element. Furthermore, this chapter demonstrates that Niuean exhibits all of the typological properties of predicate-EPP languages described by Doner (2019), including a lack of non-finite clauses, a merged C and T, optional tense, and non-contrastive definiteness. Furthermore, it is demonstrated that Tongan also can best be analyzed as having a predicate-EPP type, contra Otsuka (2005). It is argued that the subject clitic is able to cliticize to T through a process of Local Dislocation after raising of the remnant vP, which best accounts for the surface morpheme order in Tongan.
{"title":"Predicate-EPP in Niuean, Tongan, and beyond","authors":"Julianne M Doner","doi":"10.1093/oso/9780198860839.003.0011","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198860839.003.0011","url":null,"abstract":"This chapter investigates predicate-EPP languages as a typological class through comparison of Irish, Inuktitut, and Niuean and their contrast with French and Finnish. It is argued that predicate-EPP languages are characterized by raising of a predicate, rather than a verbal element. Furthermore, this chapter demonstrates that Niuean exhibits all of the typological properties of predicate-EPP languages described by Doner (2019), including a lack of non-finite clauses, a merged C and T, optional tense, and non-contrastive definiteness. Furthermore, it is demonstrated that Tongan also can best be analyzed as having a predicate-EPP type, contra Otsuka (2005). It is argued that the subject clitic is able to cliticize to T through a process of Local Dislocation after raising of the remnant vP, which best accounts for the surface morpheme order in Tongan.","PeriodicalId":375022,"journal":{"name":"Polynesian Syntax and its Interfaces","volume":"224 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-08-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133508322","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-08-19DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780198860839.003.0007
Sandra Chung
Generative syntacticians often assume that sentential negatives in all languages are the content of a functional head Neg. Although negatives in many languages are amenable to such an analysis, negatives in certain Polynesian languages are not. This chapter first reviews the evidence presented by Hohepa (1969) and others that sentential negatives in Māori are lexical heads, either intransitive verbs or adjectives, which are the main predicate of a clause that excludes the negated clause. It then explores the question of why Māori negatives should differ from the crosslinguistic norm. The answer that is proposed appeals to syntactic-semantic typology and Māori prosody, and engages with the larger issue of how lexical and functional heads are realized in Polynesian languages.
{"title":"Reaffirming Māori negatives as verbs","authors":"Sandra Chung","doi":"10.1093/oso/9780198860839.003.0007","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198860839.003.0007","url":null,"abstract":"Generative syntacticians often assume that sentential negatives in all languages are the content of a functional head Neg. Although negatives in many languages are amenable to such an analysis, negatives in certain Polynesian languages are not. This chapter first reviews the evidence presented by Hohepa (1969) and others that sentential negatives in Māori are lexical heads, either intransitive verbs or adjectives, which are the main predicate of a clause that excludes the negated clause. It then explores the question of why Māori negatives should differ from the crosslinguistic norm. The answer that is proposed appeals to syntactic-semantic typology and Māori prosody, and engages with the larger issue of how lexical and functional heads are realized in Polynesian languages.","PeriodicalId":375022,"journal":{"name":"Polynesian Syntax and its Interfaces","volume":"26 20","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-08-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132060746","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-08-19DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780198860839.003.0010
E. Pearce
Basic sentences in Maōri have VSO constituent ordering, but the nominative argument can precede the verb in constructions that have sentence-initial Topics, Focused constituents, or negatives. In the constructions with pre-verbal nominatives there are restrictions on the tense-denoting particles that may be present. This chapter proposes that, except in the case of subject Topics, when a nominative expression precedes the verb of which it is an argument, it has raised to Spec, Fin/T within a CP domain where it is c-commanded by higher Tense. The structural analysis is developed in the terms of a cartographic approach, drawing in particular on proposals of Belletti (2015) as to reduced forms of cleft CPs and separating out distinctions in the locations of splits and hybrids involving Force and Finiteness in the left periphery.
{"title":"Preverbal subjects and preverbal particles","authors":"E. Pearce","doi":"10.1093/oso/9780198860839.003.0010","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198860839.003.0010","url":null,"abstract":"Basic sentences in Maōri have VSO constituent ordering, but the nominative argument can precede the verb in constructions that have sentence-initial Topics, Focused constituents, or negatives. In the constructions with pre-verbal nominatives there are restrictions on the tense-denoting particles that may be present. This chapter proposes that, except in the case of subject Topics, when a nominative expression precedes the verb of which it is an argument, it has raised to Spec, Fin/T within a CP domain where it is c-commanded by higher Tense. The structural analysis is developed in the terms of a cartographic approach, drawing in particular on proposals of Belletti (2015) as to reduced forms of cleft CPs and separating out distinctions in the locations of splits and hybrids involving Force and Finiteness in the left periphery.","PeriodicalId":375022,"journal":{"name":"Polynesian Syntax and its Interfaces","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-08-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129280874","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-08-19DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780198860839.003.0012
Diane Massam
This chapter examines pre-nominal particles in Niuean, which are cognate with Tongan determiners, although Niuean, in contrast with Proto-Tongic, does not have a systematic determiner system marking specificity or definiteness. It is argued that the Niuean particles are case markers merged in K, not determiners, having replaced Proto-Tongic case markers. It is then argued that although there is no determiner system in Niuean, D and DP remain in the nominal phrase, and that D, usually null, holds features for proper-common with which K agrees. In addition, D is spelled out as a linker when its specifier is filled with a genitive, numeral, or quantifier, all of which contribute meanings associated with (in)definiteness or nominal quantification. Finally, D can also house occasional articles. The chapter shows that small historical changes can create systematic shifts, and that D and DP can be present even in a language without a determiner system.
{"title":"The lingering DP in Niuean","authors":"Diane Massam","doi":"10.1093/oso/9780198860839.003.0012","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198860839.003.0012","url":null,"abstract":"This chapter examines pre-nominal particles in Niuean, which are cognate with Tongan determiners, although Niuean, in contrast with Proto-Tongic, does not have a systematic determiner system marking specificity or definiteness. It is argued that the Niuean particles are case markers merged in K, not determiners, having replaced Proto-Tongic case markers. It is then argued that although there is no determiner system in Niuean, D and DP remain in the nominal phrase, and that D, usually null, holds features for proper-common with which K agrees. In addition, D is spelled out as a linker when its specifier is filled with a genitive, numeral, or quantifier, all of which contribute meanings associated with (in)definiteness or nominal quantification. Finally, D can also house occasional articles. The chapter shows that small historical changes can create systematic shifts, and that D and DP can be present even in a language without a determiner system.","PeriodicalId":375022,"journal":{"name":"Polynesian Syntax and its Interfaces","volume":"4 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-08-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128944731","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-08-19DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780198860839.003.0003
James N. Collins
This chapter investigates the phenomenon of morphological case in so-called ‘ergative-absolutive aligned’ languages, with a detailed case study of the Polynesian language Samoan. The focus is on the interaction of morphological case marking and the lexical semantics of verbs, proposing that the case marking pattern on a verb’s arguments are closely linked to the verb’s entailments, especially those relating to how the participants denoted by the verb’s nominal arguments participate in the event being described. Through empirical investigation of novel Samoan data, the chapter argues that ergative morphological case marking is linked to the agent argument’s status as a ‘self directed initiator’ of the event. In providing an analysis of this phenomenon, this chapter proposes a formal model of how a verb’s lexical semantics interacts with the morphological case component of grammar, employing insights from Optimality Theory.
{"title":"Mapping meaning to argument structure","authors":"James N. Collins","doi":"10.1093/oso/9780198860839.003.0003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198860839.003.0003","url":null,"abstract":"This chapter investigates the phenomenon of morphological case in so-called ‘ergative-absolutive aligned’ languages, with a detailed case study of the Polynesian language Samoan. The focus is on the interaction of morphological case marking and the lexical semantics of verbs, proposing that the case marking pattern on a verb’s arguments are closely linked to the verb’s entailments, especially those relating to how the participants denoted by the verb’s nominal arguments participate in the event being described. Through empirical investigation of novel Samoan data, the chapter argues that ergative morphological case marking is linked to the agent argument’s status as a ‘self directed initiator’ of the event. In providing an analysis of this phenomenon, this chapter proposes a formal model of how a verb’s lexical semantics interacts with the morphological case component of grammar, employing insights from Optimality Theory.","PeriodicalId":375022,"journal":{"name":"Polynesian Syntax and its Interfaces","volume":"35 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-08-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124328392","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-08-19DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780198860839.003.0002
Vera Hohaus
This chapter investigates the relationship between gradability and modality in a case study from Samoan (Austronesian, Oceanic; ISO 639-3: smo). It develops a compositionally transparent semantic analysis of the SILI (ONA) construction that is used both for weak priority modality and for the superlative. The chapter argues against a quantificational-modal and in favor of a degree-based analysis of the construction that relies on an underspecified and type-polymorphic measure of VALUE. Under such an analysis, several other core properties of the construction then fall out from general properties of the grammar of gradable predicates in Samoan, notably the pragmatic strengthening of the positive form to a superlative interpretation if contextually licensed.
{"title":"Gradability and modality","authors":"Vera Hohaus","doi":"10.1093/oso/9780198860839.003.0002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198860839.003.0002","url":null,"abstract":"This chapter investigates the relationship between gradability and modality in a case study from Samoan (Austronesian, Oceanic; ISO 639-3: smo). It develops a compositionally transparent semantic analysis of the SILI (ONA) construction that is used both for weak priority modality and for the superlative. The chapter argues against a quantificational-modal and in favor of a degree-based analysis of the construction that relies on an underspecified and type-polymorphic measure of VALUE. Under such an analysis, several other core properties of the construction then fall out from general properties of the grammar of gradable predicates in Samoan, notably the pragmatic strengthening of the positive form to a superlative interpretation if contextually licensed.","PeriodicalId":375022,"journal":{"name":"Polynesian Syntax and its Interfaces","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-08-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127008359","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-08-19DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780198860839.003.0004
Maria Polinsky, Eric Potsdam
Research on word order has established several possible ways in which VOS order can be derived from VSO order. This chapter considers the derivational relationship between VSO and VOS in the Polynesian language Tongan. VSO order is basic in Tongan, and we address the derivation of VOS from this basic order in the context of multiple possibilities. We argue that Tongan VOS is better analyzed as rightward displacement of the subject as opposed to leftward displacement of the object proposed by Otsuka (2005a,c). The clause-final subject shows many of the hallmarks of rightward movement, including information-structural restrictions, locality with respect to the matrix clause, lack of clitic doubling, and connectivity with respect to case and binding. Given that rightward movement has an uneasy place in syntactic theory, we take pains to establish that the analysis is successful and worth further scrutiny.
{"title":"Deriving VOS from VSO in Tongan","authors":"Maria Polinsky, Eric Potsdam","doi":"10.1093/oso/9780198860839.003.0004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198860839.003.0004","url":null,"abstract":"Research on word order has established several possible ways in which VOS order can be derived from VSO order. This chapter considers the derivational relationship between VSO and VOS in the Polynesian language Tongan. VSO order is basic in Tongan, and we address the derivation of VOS from this basic order in the context of multiple possibilities. We argue that Tongan VOS is better analyzed as rightward displacement of the subject as opposed to leftward displacement of the object proposed by Otsuka (2005a,c). The clause-final subject shows many of the hallmarks of rightward movement, including information-structural restrictions, locality with respect to the matrix clause, lack of clitic doubling, and connectivity with respect to case and binding. Given that rightward movement has an uneasy place in syntactic theory, we take pains to establish that the analysis is successful and worth further scrutiny.","PeriodicalId":375022,"journal":{"name":"Polynesian Syntax and its Interfaces","volume":"18 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-08-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134457656","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-08-19DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780198860839.003.0006
Jens Hopperdietzel
Recent syntactic approaches to event structure differ in whether causative semantics are introduced by a designated syntactic head (e.g. v caus; Pylkkänen 2008; Harley 2017) or is interpreted configurationally (Ramchand 2008; Alexiadou et al. 2015; Wood & Marantz 2017). The examination of the morphosyntactic properties of Samoan faʻa-causatives reveals a ‘bundling paradox’ in that faʻa- appears to introduce an agent role while co-occuring with Voice morphology—a pattern which is not predicted by Caus0-approaches (Harley 2017). Instead, this chapter develops an account that analyzes causative morphology like faʻa- as the bi-directionally spell-out of the verbalizer v which is sensitive to the presence of Voice in bi-eventive configurations (cf. Embick 2010). Therefore, this chapter not only provides a first syntactic investigation of faʻa-causatives in Samoan, but also adds a new cross-linguistic perspective to the ongoing discussion of causatives at the syntax-semantics interface.
最近研究事件结构的句法方法在致因语义是否由指定的句法头引入(例如v cause;市场2008;Harley 2017)或配置解释(Ramchand 2008;Alexiadou et al. 2015;Wood & Marantz 2017)。对萨摩亚语fa - ha致使词形态句法特性的研究揭示了一个“捆绑悖论”，即fa - ha似乎引入了一个代理角色，同时与语音形态共同出现——这是caus0方法无法预测的模式(Harley 2017)。相反，本章发展了一种解释，分析了像fa - ha -这样的使词形态，作为双事件配置中对语音存在敏感的言语表达器v的双向拼写(参见Embick 2010)。因此，本章不仅提供了萨摩亚语fa - ha -使役的第一个句法研究，而且为正在进行的语法-语义界面使役的讨论增加了一个新的跨语言视角。
{"title":"Causative morphology as Voice-driven allomorphy","authors":"Jens Hopperdietzel","doi":"10.1093/oso/9780198860839.003.0006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198860839.003.0006","url":null,"abstract":"Recent syntactic approaches to event structure differ in whether causative semantics are introduced by a designated syntactic head (e.g. v\u0000 caus; Pylkkänen 2008; Harley 2017) or is interpreted configurationally (Ramchand 2008; Alexiadou et al. 2015; Wood & Marantz 2017). The examination of the morphosyntactic properties of Samoan faʻa-causatives reveals a ‘bundling paradox’ in that faʻa- appears to introduce an agent role while co-occuring with Voice morphology—a pattern which is not predicted by Caus0-approaches (Harley 2017). Instead, this chapter develops an account that analyzes causative morphology like faʻa- as the bi-directionally spell-out of the verbalizer v which is sensitive to the presence of Voice in bi-eventive configurations (cf. Embick 2010). Therefore, this chapter not only provides a first syntactic investigation of faʻa-causatives in Samoan, but also adds a new cross-linguistic perspective to the ongoing discussion of causatives at the syntax-semantics interface.","PeriodicalId":375022,"journal":{"name":"Polynesian Syntax and its Interfaces","volume":"29 3","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-08-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132610706","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-08-19DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780198860839.003.0009
Yuko Otsuka
Apparent raising (AR) constructions in Tongan resemble raising constructions in that the thematic subject of the embedded clause seems to occur in the matrix subject position. Unlike regular raising, however, Tongan AR shows characteristics of A-bar movement such as long-distance dependency, sensitivity to islands, and syntactic ergativity. This chapter argues that Tongan AR involves three operations: (a) topic movement of a DP to the embedded [Spec, C], (b) cancelation of the previous valuation of the case feature on the DP in [Spec, C], and (c) subsequent case valuation under Agree with the matrix v. The proposed analysis calls for a parametric adjustment to the activity condition to allow for multiple case valuation: in languages like Tongan, a DP located at the edge of a phase not only remains active, but the valuation of its case feature gets undone upon completion of the CP phase.
{"title":"Apparent raising in Tongan and its implications for multiple case valuation","authors":"Yuko Otsuka","doi":"10.1093/oso/9780198860839.003.0009","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198860839.003.0009","url":null,"abstract":"Apparent raising (AR) constructions in Tongan resemble raising constructions in that the thematic subject of the embedded clause seems to occur in the matrix subject position. Unlike regular raising, however, Tongan AR shows characteristics of A-bar movement such as long-distance dependency, sensitivity to islands, and syntactic ergativity. This chapter argues that Tongan AR involves three operations: (a) topic movement of a DP to the embedded [Spec, C], (b) cancelation of the previous valuation of the case feature on the DP in [Spec, C], and (c) subsequent case valuation under Agree with the matrix v. The proposed analysis calls for a parametric adjustment to the activity condition to allow for multiple case valuation: in languages like Tongan, a DP located at the edge of a phase not only remains active, but the valuation of its case feature gets undone upon completion of the CP phase.","PeriodicalId":375022,"journal":{"name":"Polynesian Syntax and its Interfaces","volume":"29 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-08-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122050431","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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