{"title":"Monica Duffy Toft: Securing the Peace: The Durable Settlement of Civil Wars","authors":"Jasmina Ameti","doi":"10.51870/cejiss.r140101","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.51870/cejiss.r140101","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":38461,"journal":{"name":"Central European Journal of International and Security Studies","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-03-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41440860","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The foremost intent of this article is to investigate the major dynamics that are changing in Ethio-Egyptian hydropolitical relations. To attain this objective the researcher employed case study design, primary and secondary sources of data, and purposive sampling techniques. Despite the fact that perpetual national interests on Egyptian Nile water policy are a national security issue, dynamics in the Nile basin have fostered a shift in the relations of Ethiopia and Egypt hydro political relations on Nile water.
{"title":"Hydro-Politics and the Dynamics of the Shifting Ethio-Egyptian Hydropolitical Relations","authors":"Yayew Genet Chekol","doi":"10.51870/cejiss.a130301","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.51870/cejiss.a130301","url":null,"abstract":"The foremost intent of this article is to investigate the major dynamics that are changing in Ethio-Egyptian hydropolitical relations. To attain this objective the researcher employed case study design, primary and secondary sources of data, and purposive sampling techniques. Despite the fact that perpetual national interests on Egyptian Nile water policy are a national security issue, dynamics in the Nile basin have fostered a shift in the relations of Ethiopia and Egypt hydro political relations on Nile water.","PeriodicalId":38461,"journal":{"name":"Central European Journal of International and Security Studies","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-09-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49563380","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The paper on the case study of the contemporary regime in Russia questions the classical theory of the positive influence of middle classes on democratization processes. The author introduces arguments for the following three hypotheses. (1) An essential part of the middle class in Russia is dependent on the state, predominantly in the form of employment in the state sector. (2) This dependence is the main reason why the middle class in Russia keeps preserving the status quo. (3) The middle class in contemporary Russia, therefore, does not serve as a support for the democratic transformation of the regime. The author employs a method of statistical data analysis and concludes that the Russian middle class prefers a strong state to individual freedom and expresses deeper support for the state institutions than the lower class. The author offers the explanation based on the strong relations between the middle class and the state in Russia, supported by the data showing that public sector employees are the fastest growing segment of the Russian middle class.
{"title":"The Democratization Potential of the Middle Class in Russia","authors":"J. Svec","doi":"10.51870/cejiss.a130308","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.51870/cejiss.a130308","url":null,"abstract":"The paper on the case study of the contemporary regime in Russia questions the classical theory of the positive influence of middle classes on democratization processes. The author introduces arguments for the following three hypotheses. (1) An essential part of the middle class in Russia is dependent on the state, predominantly in the form of employment in the state sector. (2) This dependence is the main reason why the middle class in Russia keeps preserving the status quo. (3) The middle class in contemporary Russia, therefore, does not serve as a support for the democratic transformation of the regime. The author employs a method of statistical data analysis and concludes that the Russian middle class prefers a strong state to individual freedom and expresses deeper support for the state institutions than the lower class. The author offers the explanation based on the strong relations between the middle class and the state in Russia, supported by the data showing that public sector employees are the fastest growing segment of the Russian middle class.","PeriodicalId":38461,"journal":{"name":"Central European Journal of International and Security Studies","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-09-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42054384","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Historically, the Arctic has been much more important to Russia than to other Arctic countries. In Soviet times, the development of the Arctic was of paramount importance and it was used by the Soviet government to legitimise its great power status to domestic and international audiences. It is argued in this paper that the administration of President Putin has re-established a narrative on Russia as an Arctic power. In this sense, Russia not only seeks to exploit natural resources and develop the Northern Sea Route, but to project status as it conceives of itself as a great power. This paper suggests that the Arctic is not only becoming more important for Russia itself but also for Northeast Asian countries, as China, Japan and South Korea require a stable regional environment and secure supply of natural resources, which are essential for their prosperity and stability. In this sense, diverse partnerships are being developed between Russian and Northeast Asian countries; this work analyses the key components of those partnerships and its potential benefits. The development of the Far North constitutes an essential component in Russia’s larger and long-term project to develop Asiatic Russia. It would be fallacious to examine Russia’s Arctic strategy only through the prism of the current confrontation between Russia and the West. Keywords: Russia, great power, Arctic, Far North, Northeast Asia, China, Japan, South Korea.
{"title":"Russia, the Arctic and Northeast Asia: The Strategic Importance of the Far North","authors":"Rafael Contreras Luna","doi":"10.51870/cejiss.a130303","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.51870/cejiss.a130303","url":null,"abstract":"Historically, the Arctic has been much more important to Russia than to other Arctic countries. In Soviet times, the development of the Arctic was of paramount importance and it was used by the Soviet government to legitimise its great power status to domestic and international audiences. It is argued in this paper that the administration of President Putin has re-established a narrative on Russia as an Arctic power. In this sense, Russia not only seeks to exploit natural resources and develop the Northern Sea Route, but to project status as it conceives of itself as a great power. This paper suggests that the Arctic is not only becoming more important for Russia itself but also for Northeast Asian countries, as China, Japan and South Korea require a stable regional environment and secure supply of natural resources, which are essential for their prosperity and stability. In this sense, diverse partnerships are being developed between Russian and Northeast Asian countries; this work analyses the key components of those partnerships and its potential benefits. The development of the Far North constitutes an essential component in Russia’s larger and long-term project to develop Asiatic Russia. It would be fallacious to examine Russia’s Arctic strategy only through the prism of the current confrontation between Russia and the West. Keywords: Russia, great power, Arctic, Far North, Northeast Asia, China, Japan, South Korea.","PeriodicalId":38461,"journal":{"name":"Central European Journal of International and Security Studies","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-09-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43800217","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The initiation of military or economic punishment generally on states requires significant justification, lest it be judged an act of aggression. In 2018 two separate incidents invoked similar rationales for such acts of reprisal, specifically that they were responding to attacks using chemical weapons. The incidents were an alleged sarin gas attack by the Syrian government on political opponents, which led to military strikes from the United States, and an alleged poisoning via novichok nerve agents by the Russian government on a Russian ex-spy and his daughter, which led to economic sanctions from the United Kingdom. In both cases, however, evidence of culpability fell short of what legal standards typically require. Despite this, media coverage has failed to examine alternative scenarios or to offer effective critical assessment of the weak rationalizations offered by US and UK governments. The result, precipitate and incautious policy, driven by hasty conclusions rather than careful analysis, represents a failure on the part of both media and government institutions to present the public with an even-handed and neutral assessment of matters vital to their national interest.
{"title":"Evidentiary Thresholds for Unilateral Aggression: Douma, Skripal and Media Analysis of Chemical Weapon Attacks as a Casus Belli","authors":"G. Gray","doi":"10.51870/cejiss.a130307","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.51870/cejiss.a130307","url":null,"abstract":"The initiation of military or economic punishment generally on states requires significant justification, lest it be judged an act of aggression. In 2018 two separate incidents invoked similar rationales for such acts of reprisal, specifically that they were responding to attacks using chemical weapons. The incidents were an alleged sarin gas attack by the Syrian government on political opponents, which led to military strikes from the United States, and an alleged poisoning via novichok nerve agents by the Russian government on a Russian ex-spy and his daughter, which led to economic sanctions from the United Kingdom. In both cases, however, evidence of culpability fell short of what legal standards typically require. Despite this, media coverage has failed to examine alternative scenarios or to offer effective critical assessment of the weak rationalizations offered by US and UK governments. The result, precipitate and incautious policy, driven by hasty conclusions rather than careful analysis, represents a failure on the part of both media and government institutions to present the public with an even-handed and neutral assessment of matters vital to their national interest.","PeriodicalId":38461,"journal":{"name":"Central European Journal of International and Security Studies","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-09-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44593652","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article analyses a qualitative transformation of relations between the Balkan states since the dissolution of the SFR Yugoslavia in the 90´s until 2008. It argues that military presence and interventions of external powers were enough to make the belligerents fold weapons and thus spread the negative peace but did not substantially aid the qualitative transformation of their relations. Evolving cooperation, mutual restraint, and resolution of conflicts by non-military means that we have perceived in the Balkans since 2003 are results of liberal strategies. It argues for the usefulness of eclectic explanations.
{"title":"From Negative to Positive Peace in Western Balkans: A Case for Eclectic Theory","authors":"M. Kulkova","doi":"10.51870/cejiss.a130306","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.51870/cejiss.a130306","url":null,"abstract":"This article analyses a qualitative transformation of relations between the Balkan states since the dissolution of the SFR Yugoslavia in the 90´s until 2008. It argues that military presence and interventions of external powers were enough to make the belligerents fold weapons and thus spread the negative peace but did not substantially aid the qualitative transformation of their relations. Evolving cooperation, mutual restraint, and resolution of conflicts by non-military means that we have perceived in the Balkans since 2003 are results of liberal strategies. It argues for the usefulness of eclectic explanations.","PeriodicalId":38461,"journal":{"name":"Central European Journal of International and Security Studies","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-09-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45580570","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The debate over the prevalence of nation states as the main actors in the international arena has been going on for the past 40 years. This article focuses on a single aspect of the debate, namely the national sovereignty of states within the neoliberal investment regimes. The argument I make in this article is that while investment treaty-making in the past contributed to limiting the sovereign powers of governments in the domain of investment regulation, recent trends suggest that the states are actively seeking to increase their regulatory space. In order to demonstrate this, I develop a theoretical framework bases on the competing concepts of “right to regulate” and “investment protection”. This framework is subsequently used to compare investment treaties signed in the 1990s with some of the most significant recently signed investment agreements. The analysis shows the way in which the more recent investment treaties increase the regulatory space of the states, which strengthens their national sovereignty.
{"title":"Trends in Investment Treaty Making: Finding Balance between National Sovereignty and Investment Protection","authors":"M. Karas","doi":"10.51870/cejiss.a130304","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.51870/cejiss.a130304","url":null,"abstract":"The debate over the prevalence of nation states as the main actors in the international arena has been going on for the past 40 years. This article focuses on a single aspect of the debate, namely the national sovereignty of states within the neoliberal investment regimes. The argument I make in this article is that while investment treaty-making in the past contributed to limiting the sovereign powers of governments in the domain of investment regulation, recent trends suggest that the states are actively seeking to increase their regulatory space. In order to demonstrate this, I develop a theoretical framework bases on the competing concepts of “right to regulate” and “investment protection”. This framework is subsequently used to compare investment treaties signed in the 1990s with some of the most significant recently signed investment agreements. The analysis shows the way in which the more recent investment treaties increase the regulatory space of the states, which strengthens their national sovereignty.","PeriodicalId":38461,"journal":{"name":"Central European Journal of International and Security Studies","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-09-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49137091","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Political Islam: A Critical Reader","authors":"Alina Shymanska","doi":"10.51870/cejiss.r130301","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.51870/cejiss.r130301","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":38461,"journal":{"name":"Central European Journal of International and Security Studies","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-09-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49543171","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article presents the social and political causes of Nigeria-EU migration issues concerning unregulated migration that has been affecting the EU. This was done through qualitative and quantitative methodology, which includes interviews, data gathering and documentary analysis. From the findings and discussion, the article submits that the main problems frustrating the effort of the EU interventions on migration is the political situation of Nigeria. If the political sphere in Nigeria is not addressed in a proper way by eradicating numerous vices that undermine the economy and security through corruption, granting and assisting funds by the EU will be a superficial solution. It also presents the unconventional neo-vectors of migration and concludes that, since migration is a part of the human right through freedom of movement, which is also enshrined in human security, migration issues therefore cannot be exterminated through the building of migration centres. However, they can be reduced, if there are effective collaborative efforts by the Nigeria-EU relations in conjunction with other African states through strong border controls and enabling development as a precursor to addressing migration problems.
{"title":"Unregulated Migration and Nigeria-EU Relations","authors":"Kingsley Emeka Ezemenaka","doi":"10.51870/cejiss.a130302","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.51870/cejiss.a130302","url":null,"abstract":"This article presents the social and political causes of Nigeria-EU migration issues concerning unregulated migration that has been affecting the EU. This was done through qualitative and quantitative methodology, which includes interviews, data gathering and documentary analysis. From the findings and discussion, the article submits that the main problems frustrating the effort of the EU interventions on migration is the political situation of Nigeria. If the political sphere in Nigeria is not addressed in a proper way by eradicating numerous vices that undermine the economy and security through corruption, granting and assisting funds by the EU will be a superficial solution. It also presents the unconventional neo-vectors of migration and concludes that, since migration is a part of the human right through freedom of movement, which is also enshrined in human security, migration issues therefore cannot be exterminated through the building of migration centres. However, they can be reduced, if there are effective collaborative efforts by the Nigeria-EU relations in conjunction with other African states through strong border controls and enabling development as a precursor to addressing migration problems.","PeriodicalId":38461,"journal":{"name":"Central European Journal of International and Security Studies","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-09-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47591478","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The common contention regarding the South China Sea is that its characteristic assets are the central or even the sole explanation for the debate. However, it is the argument of this study that this view is distorted and perilously deceptive. This study argues that there are multiple explanations for these territorial disputes and that they are significantly complicated by the proximity of a few players, the ascent of powerful new forces, the impact of financial power, the dispersion of military and political power, and geopolitical rivalry in Asia. The Unites States views China as a threat to its global hegemony and so has a policy of ‘containment’. In the context of the South China Sea, its policies therefore are not intended to resolve disputes in a mutually beneficial way, but to limit China’s influence. This forces countries to ‘choose sides’ rather than engage in mutually beneficial trade. The policy has now also led to a trade war, which could escalate into a military confrontation. This investigation examines the progression of this debate by taking into consideration the various geostrategic, geo-economics, and geopolitical interests of the parties involved and suggests a fundamental paradigm shift in the direction of research to be more conducive toward finding a realistic and peaceful resolution to the disputes in the South China Sea.
{"title":"The United States’ China Containment Strategy and the South China Sea Dispute","authors":"V. Teixeira","doi":"10.51870/cejiss.a130305","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.51870/cejiss.a130305","url":null,"abstract":"The common contention regarding the South China Sea is that its characteristic assets are the central or even the sole explanation for the debate. However, it is the argument of this study that this view is distorted and perilously deceptive. This study argues that there are multiple explanations for these territorial disputes and that they are significantly complicated by the proximity of a few players, the ascent of powerful new forces, the impact of financial power, the dispersion of military and political power, and geopolitical rivalry in Asia. The Unites States views China as a threat to its global hegemony and so has a policy of ‘containment’. In the context of the South China Sea, its policies therefore are not intended to resolve disputes in a mutually beneficial way, but to limit China’s influence. This forces countries to ‘choose sides’ rather than engage in mutually beneficial trade. The policy has now also led to a trade war, which could escalate into a military confrontation. This investigation examines the progression of this debate by taking into consideration the various geostrategic, geo-economics, and geopolitical interests of the parties involved and suggests a fundamental paradigm shift in the direction of research to be more conducive toward finding a realistic and peaceful resolution to the disputes in the South China Sea.","PeriodicalId":38461,"journal":{"name":"Central European Journal of International and Security Studies","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-09-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45234995","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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