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Interpreting the History of a Region in Crisis 解读危机地区的历史
Pub Date : 2022-01-13 DOI: 10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190928360.013.1
R. Holden
As Latin America’s most well-defined multinational region, Central America stands apart primarily for its distinctive status as an isthmus between the Atlantic and Pacific oceans, surely its most historically consequential feature, but not its only one. Ever since its separation from the Spanish monarchy two centuries ago, Central America’s fraught political history has been marked by antagonistic tendencies within the region both for and against unification, by successive national and regional movements in favor of reform, revolution and counter-revolution, and by the intervention of external powers, particularly the United States. As a result, a persistent pattern of violence, instability and lawlessness has also distinguished its political history, as its economy continues to rank among the poorest of Latin America. This introductory essay interprets the region’s largely unsought separation from Spain (a process that spanned the years 1808 to 1821) as the hinge event of the last 500 years, having launched what the author calls Central America’s ongoing, two-century “crisis of order.” The cross-regional and country-level essays that follow this introduction reach back to the period before the Spanish conquest and proceed to the beginning of the twenty-first century. Each chapter aims to both synthesize and evaluate the main directions of the historiography related to its particular theme. The overall purpose of the volume is to highlight both Central America’s distinctiveness as a region and the attributes it shares with the rest of Latin America, while encouraging the comparative study of national, cross-national, and subnational historical experiences both within Central America, and between it and other places within and beyond Latin America.
作为拉丁美洲最明确的多民族地区,中美洲之所以与众不同,主要是因为它是大西洋和太平洋之间的地峡,这无疑是它最具历史意义的特征,但不是唯一的特征。自从两个世纪前脱离西班牙君主制以来,中美洲充满坎坷的政治历史一直以该地区内部支持和反对统一的敌对倾向为标志,伴随着支持改革、革命和反革命的连续的国家和地区运动,以及外部力量的干预,特别是美国。其结果是,持续的暴力、不稳定和无法无天的模式也使其政治史与众不同,其经济仍然是拉丁美洲最贫穷的国家之一。这篇介绍性文章将该地区在很大程度上无意中与西班牙的分离(这一过程跨越了1808年至1821年)解释为过去500年的关键事件,引发了作者所说的中美洲持续两个世纪的“秩序危机”。本引言之后的跨地区和国家层面的文章追溯到西班牙征服之前的时期,并继续到二十一世纪初。每一章都旨在综合和评价与其特定主题相关的史学主要方向。本书的总体目的是强调中美洲作为一个地区的独特性及其与拉丁美洲其他地区共有的特征,同时鼓励对中美洲内部以及中美洲与拉丁美洲内外其他地区之间的国家、跨国和次国家历史经验进行比较研究。
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引用次数: 0
The Cultural Crossroads of Colonial Central America 中美洲殖民地的文化十字路口
Pub Date : 2021-12-08 DOI: 10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190928360.013.25
Brianna Leavitt-Alcántara
The study of colonial Central American history, particularly its cultural history, remains in a nascent stage of development compared to that of other parts of colonial Spanish America such as Mexico and Peru. This partly reflects historical study’s “center–periphery paradigm,” which has tended to concentrate scholarly attention on powerful political and economic centers while neglecting places like Central America, deemed as peripheral. Twentieth-century civil wars and political violence impeded archival research and also directed research agendas toward modern historical topics. Over the last thirty years, a small but lively field has expanded in exciting directions including the following four: colonial religious encounters and the emergence of diverse Mayan Christianities; Afro-Central American society and culture; women, sexuality, and gender in urban society; and the images, ideas, and innovations that brought Central Americans closer together but also sparked controversies and conflicts over the long eighteenth century, here defined roughly as 1670 to 1820.
中美洲殖民地历史的研究,特别是其文化史,与其他西班牙裔美洲殖民地如墨西哥和秘鲁相比,仍处于发展的初级阶段。这在一定程度上反映了历史研究的“中心-边缘范式”,这种范式倾向于将学术注意力集中在强大的政治和经济中心,而忽视了中美洲等被视为边缘的地区。二十世纪的内战和政治暴力阻碍了档案研究,也将研究议程导向了现代历史主题。在过去的三十年里,一个小而活跃的领域已经向以下四个令人兴奋的方向扩展:殖民宗教遭遇和各种玛雅基督教的出现;非裔中美洲社会和文化;都市社会中的女性、性与性别这些形象、思想和创新让中美洲人走得更近,但也在漫长的18世纪(这里大致定义为1670年至1820年)引发了争议和冲突。
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引用次数: 0
The Ancient Civilizations 古代文明
Pub Date : 2021-11-10 DOI: 10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190928360.013.4
William R. Fowler
This chapter provides an interpretive synthesis of the current state of knowledge of the pre-Columbian civilizations of Central America from the time of earliest human habitation until European contact. In terms of cultural affinities, the northern portion of the area formed the southeastern periphery of the culture area of Mesoamerica, and the southern regions pertained to the Isthmo-Colombian area (or Intermediate Area). With its relatively high population density, the area is highly susceptible to volcanic, seismic, and climatic natural disasters such as droughts, tropical storms, flooding, and landslides, and the same was true in the past. A recurrent theme in the study of ancient Central American civilizations is the impact of natural disasters and societal responses to cataclysmic events.
这一章提供了一个关于中美洲前哥伦布文明的知识现状的解释性综合,从最早的人类居住到欧洲接触的时间。在文化亲和力方面,该地区的北部形成了中美洲文化区的东南边缘,南部地区属于地峡-哥伦比亚地区(或中间地区)。由于人口密度相对较高,该地区极易受到干旱、热带风暴、洪水、山体滑坡等火山、地震和气候自然灾害的影响,过去也是如此。在中美洲古代文明的研究中,一个反复出现的主题是自然灾害的影响和对灾难性事件的社会反应。
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引用次数: 0
Central America under Spanish Colonial Rule 西班牙殖民统治下的中美洲
Pub Date : 2021-09-08 DOI: 10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190928360.013.7
S. Webre
The Central American isthmus was under Spanish colonial rule for approximately three centuries (ca. 1502–1821). Known interchangeably as the kingdom, audiencia, or captaincy-general of Guatemala, the region occupied territory that would later become the republics of Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras, Nicaragua, and Costa Rica, plus the state of Chiapas, Mexico. Unlike New Spain and Peru, Central America did not possess great mineral wealth, but its location between the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans made it an important strategic asset. As did other parts of Spain’s overseas empire, Central America presented challenges of governance and defense. During the Habsburg era (to 1700), the colonial state took shape organically, drawing upon existing peninsular models within a framework of collaboration between the monarchy and local allies, including colonial and indigenous elites and the Roman Catholic Church. This system was not elegant, but it worked as long as authorities in Spain were willing to accept a degree of corruption and inefficiency in public administration. Under the Bourbons (1700–1821), Spain’s new rulers undertook an ambitious program of reforms meant to correct the weaknesses of the old system, while promoting economic growth, strengthening defenses, and enhancing revenues. Judged by their own standards, the Bourbon Reforms registered some successes, but they also bred disaffection. The eventual cost became apparent when the traditional allegiances forged in the Habsburg era dissolved under the pressure of constant warfare, and especially the 1808 Napoleonic invasion of Spain, which precipitated the empire-wide independence crisis.
中美洲地峡被西班牙殖民统治了大约三个世纪(约1502-1821年)。这一地区被称为危地马拉王国、听民国或危地马拉总检察长,后来成为危地马拉、萨尔瓦多、洪都拉斯、尼加拉瓜和哥斯达黎加共和国,以及墨西哥的恰帕斯州。与新西班牙和秘鲁不同,中美洲并不拥有丰富的矿产资源,但其位于大西洋和太平洋之间的地理位置使其成为重要的战略资产。与西班牙海外帝国的其他部分一样,中美洲也面临着治理和防御方面的挑战。在哈布斯堡王朝时期(至1700年),殖民国家在君主制与当地盟友(包括殖民地和土著精英以及罗马天主教会)合作的框架内,利用现有的半岛模式,有机地形成了。这一体系并不优雅,但只要西班牙当局愿意接受公共管理中一定程度的腐败和低效,它就能发挥作用。在波旁王朝(1700-1821)的统治下,西班牙的新统治者实施了一项雄心勃勃的改革计划,旨在纠正旧制度的弱点,同时促进经济增长,加强国防,增加收入。以波旁改革的标准来评判,波旁改革取得了一些成功,但也招致了不满。当哈布斯堡王朝时期形成的传统忠诚在持续不断的战争压力下瓦解时,最终的代价变得显而易见,尤其是1808年拿破仑入侵西班牙,引发了整个帝国的独立危机。
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引用次数: 0
Regaining Ground 恢复地面
Pub Date : 2021-02-10 DOI: 10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190928360.013.3
P. Herlihy, Matthew Fahrenbruch, Taylor Tappan
This chapter describes the geographies of indigenous populations and their territories in Central America, past and present. A brief discussion of previous archaeological research provides a context for the region’s pre-Columbian populations and settlement distributions prior to an examination of the territorial and demographic collapse precipitated by European conquest. The chapter chronicles a twenty-first-century resurgence of indigenous populations and their territorial rights in Central America, including the emergence of geopolitical units that we call indigenous territorial jurisdictions (ITJs), the likes of which represent new strategies for accommodating indigenous land ownership and governance within the context of modern states. Archival and census research, in situ field experience, and geographic information system (GIS)-based land use and cadastral mapping inform the understanding of indigenous peoples’ past and contemporary demographic trends, settlement patterns, and territorial challenges.
本章描述了过去和现在中美洲土著居民及其领土的地理位置。对先前考古研究的简要讨论提供了该地区前哥伦布时期人口和定居点分布的背景,然后再考察欧洲征服导致的领土和人口崩溃。本章记述了21世纪中美洲土著人口及其领土权利的复兴,包括我们称之为土著领土管辖(itj)的地缘政治单位的出现,这些单位代表了在现代国家背景下适应土著土地所有权和治理的新战略。档案和人口普查研究、实地经验、基于地理信息系统(GIS)的土地利用和地籍测绘使人们了解土著人民过去和当代的人口趋势、定居模式和领土挑战。
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引用次数: 0
Honduras 洪都拉斯
Pub Date : 2020-09-02 DOI: 10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190928360.013.19
D. Euraque
A fact of Honduran history after the 1840s is the structural weakness of the state as an organized political agent capable of administering a nationally defined territory, managing its constitutionally prescribed monopoly over security, and effectively addressing the most minimal aspects of the population’s economic and social welfare. Various factors explain this. A key problem has been Honduran elites’ lack of cohesion and enlightened commitment to their long-term interests among themselves and beyond their borders. Resorting to lethal violence to secure advantaged and corrupt access to state resources has been the result and norm, even to the detriment of elite unity and hegemony. This has often placed the state and country at the mercy of economic and military forces, local and international, that elites cannot control, and with which they have negotiated for short-term benefit and even personal survival, most often to the detriment of national interests, and Hondurans’ rudimentary well-being.
19世纪40年代以后,洪都拉斯历史的一个事实是,作为一个有组织的政治代理,国家在结构上的弱点,无法管理国家划定的领土,管理宪法规定的对安全的垄断,并有效地解决人口经济和社会福利的最基本方面。各种因素解释了这一点。一个关键的问题是洪都拉斯的精英们缺乏凝聚力和开明的承诺,以实现他们在国内和境外的长期利益。诉诸致命的暴力来确保对国家资源的有利和腐败的获取已经成为结果和规范,甚至损害了精英的团结和霸权。这往往使国家和国家受到当地和国际经济和军事力量的摆布,精英们无法控制这些力量,他们为了短期利益甚至个人生存而进行谈判,这往往损害了国家利益和洪都拉斯人的基本福祉。
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引用次数: 0
The Cold War 冷战
Pub Date : 2020-06-08 DOI: 10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190928360.013.13
Joaquín M. Chávez
Global and regional political and cultural trends shaped a set of interrelated and persistent conflicts between authoritarian regimes and democratic and revolutionary forces during the Cold War in Central America. US Cold War anticommunism, in particular, abetted authoritarian governments that sparked major conflicts in Guatemala, El Salvador, and Nicaragua. The failure of the post-World War II wave of democratization in Central America led to persistent revolutionary and counterrevolutionary politics in the next three decades. Two successive waves of revolution emerged in the 1960s and 1970s. The reverberations of the Cuban Revolution and US counterinsurgency mainly shaped the first wave of revolution and counterrevolution in the 1960s. The Cuban Revolution, progressive Catholicism, and the Sandinista Revolution mainly shaped the second wave of revolution and counterrevolution in the 1970s and 1980s. The armed conflict in Guatemala (1960–1996), El Salvador’s Civil War (1980–1992), and the Contra War in Nicaragua (1979–1991) became the last major Cold War conflicts in Latin America. The changing dynamics of the conflicts on the ground and the international consensus in favor of peace negotiations in Central America that emerged at the end of the Cold War enabled the political settlement of the conflicts. The peace processes that put an end to the armed conflicts created fragile democracies in the midst of the neoliberal restructuring of the 1990s, which limited the meaning of social citizenship in Central America.
在中美洲冷战期间,全球和区域的政治和文化趋势在专制政权与民主和革命力量之间形成了一系列相互关联和持久的冲突。尤其是美国冷战时期的反共主义,助长了在危地马拉、萨尔瓦多和尼加拉瓜引发重大冲突的专制政府。第二次世界大战后中美洲民主化浪潮的失败导致了接下来三十年持续不断的革命和反革命政治。20世纪60年代和70年代出现了两次连续的革命浪潮。古巴革命和美国平叛的影响主要塑造了20世纪60年代的第一波革命和反革命浪潮。古巴革命、进步天主教和桑地诺革命主要塑造了20世纪70年代和80年代的第二波革命和反革命。危地马拉的武装冲突(1960-1996年)、萨尔瓦多的内战(1980-1992年)和尼加拉瓜的反政府战争(1979-1991年)成为拉丁美洲最后的主要冷战冲突。实地冲突不断变化的动态以及冷战结束时出现的有利于中美洲和平谈判的国际协商一致意见使政治解决冲突成为可能。结束武装冲突的和平进程在20世纪90年代的新自由主义重组中创造了脆弱的民主国家,这限制了中美洲社会公民的意义。
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引用次数: 0
El Salvador 萨尔瓦多
Pub Date : 2020-06-08 DOI: 10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190928360.013.20
Erik Ching
El Salvador stands out as exceptional in the history of modern Latin America for some tragic reasons: its duration of military rule (1931–1979), the scale of its government-ordered mass execution of citizens (1932), and its distinctly brutal civil conflict (1980–1992). These episodes, and many others like them, are the consequence of modern El Salvador’s history as a deeply divided society. This division has its origins in a racially charged ethnic differentiation coming out of the colonial era, which then survived into the twentieth century as conflict between ethnically homogenous classes. Consequently, shared concepts of the public good have been all too rare. Instead, rivaling stakeholders have defined politics as a zero-sum game, such that any sacrifice on one group’s part is seen inherently as an advantage for a rival. In general, El Salvador has been a place where authoritarian conservatives have won the day, meaning the people who wish to maintain their privilege and preserve the status quo have successfully done so, but not without facing significant challenges and having to grant some concessions along the way.
由于一些悲惨的原因,萨尔瓦多在现代拉丁美洲的历史上脱颖而出:军事统治的持续时间(1931年至1979年),政府下令大规模处决公民的规模(1932年),以及明显残酷的国内冲突(1980年至1992年)。这些事件,以及许多其他类似事件,是现代萨尔瓦多作为一个严重分裂的社会的历史的结果。这种分裂源于殖民时代的种族差异,这种差异作为种族同质阶级之间的冲突一直延续到20世纪。因此,关于公共利益的共同概念非常罕见。相反,相互竞争的利益相关者将政治定义为零和游戏,因此一方做出的任何牺牲都被视为对另一方有利。总的来说,萨尔瓦多是一个专制保守派赢得胜利的地方,这意味着那些希望保持特权和维持现状的人已经成功地做到了这一点,但并非没有面临重大挑战,并且不得不在此过程中做出一些让步。
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引用次数: 0
The Rise and Retreat of the Armed Forces 军队的兴衰
Pub Date : 2020-06-08 DOI: 10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190928360.013.15
Orlando J. Pérez, Randy Pestana
The armed forces of Central America predate the development of the modern nation-state. It is difficult to understand the political and social history of the region without examining the role of the military. Strong men leading local armed militias emerged out of the ashes of the Spanish Empire to rule the newly independent nations. As military institutions developed, an alliance between the armed forces and powerful economic elites sought to govern the nation-states by suppressing and exploiting popular sectors often through brutal repression. Authoritarianism and economic underdevelopment led to multiple uprisings which helped shape the nature of politics and democratic governance in contemporary Central America. In explaining this we explore the evolution of the armed forces, focusing particular attention on the political influence of the military in the development of the modern nation-state, and on the process of democratization in the late twentieth century. We then examine the role the United States has played in promoting and sustaining military rule. Finally, we analyze the consequences of late-twentieth-century peace processes on the retreat of military power and on the building of democracy.
中美洲的武装力量早于现代民族国家的发展。如果不考察军队的作用,就很难理解该地区的政治和社会历史。领导当地武装民兵的强人从西班牙帝国的废墟中崛起,统治着新独立的国家。随着军事机构的发展,武装部队和强大的经济精英之间的联盟试图通过镇压和剥削受欢迎的部门来统治民族国家,通常是通过残酷的镇压。独裁主义和经济不发达导致了多次起义,这些起义帮助塑造了当代中美洲政治和民主治理的性质。在解释这一点时,我们探讨了武装部队的演变,特别关注军队在现代民族国家发展中的政治影响,以及20世纪后期的民主化进程。然后,我们考察了美国在促进和维持军事统治方面所扮演的角色。最后,我们分析了20世纪后期和平进程对军事力量退却和民主建设的影响。
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引用次数: 0
Central America and the United States 中美洲和美国
Pub Date : 2020-06-08 DOI: 10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190928360.013.12
M. Gobat
Central America has endured more US interventions than any other region in the world. This history reflects the long-standing belief of US officials that their country’s global aspirations hinged on its control of an interoceanic canal cutting across the isthmus. Yet geography alone does not explain the fixation with Central America. Ever since Manifest Destiny expansion of the mid-nineteenth century, the region has also served as a proving ground for new forms of US power such as overseas settler colonialism, dollar diplomacy, and counterinsurgency strategies. Central America’s lengthy encounter with the United States has generally been viewed by scholars in dichotomous terms: Central Americans either abetted US impositions or bravely rejected them. These Manichean images of accommodation and resistance have also served as political weapons for Central Americans and foreigners alike. In reality, such images obscure the ambiguities that not only define the region’s history with the northern “colossus” but also best capture the limits of US power.
中美洲遭受的美国干预比世界上任何其他地区都要多。这段历史反映了美国官员长期以来的一种信念,即美国的全球抱负取决于其对一条穿越巴拿马地峡的跨洋运河的控制。然而,仅凭地理因素并不能解释对中美洲的迷恋。自19世纪中期的昭昭天命扩张以来,该地区也成为美国新形式权力的试验场,如海外定居者殖民主义、美元外交和反叛乱战略。学者们通常以两种方式看待中美洲与美国的漫长相遇:中美洲人要么支持美国的强加政策,要么勇敢地拒绝它们。这些摩尼教的和解和抵抗的形象也成为中美洲人和外国人的政治武器。在现实中,这样的形象掩盖了不确定性,这些不确定性不仅定义了该地区与北方“巨人”的历史,而且最好地反映了美国实力的局限性。
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引用次数: 0
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The Oxford Handbook of Central American History
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