This paper is on students-management conflicts in tertiary institutions in Ghana with particular focus on their nature in University for Development Studies from 1999 to 2009. Questionnaires and interview guides were the data collection tools employed and administered to 40 respondents. Data were analyzed qualitatively in narratives and with graphs, tables and matrices. The study found that: there was a (big class) structural gap between students and management; re-enforced by the autocratic/authoritarian leadership style of Management. Conflicts were high and worrying in the University. Conflicts between students and university management most frequently occurred and often took the nature of revolts, violent demonstrations, boycotts/attempted boycotts of classes/examinations, verbal assaults and physical attacks. The paper concluded that the nature of conflicts witnessed was often that of violence. We recommended that early conflict warning signs, often noticeable in their very nature should not be treated laggingly and reactively but proactively to lessen the nature they take in the end and that students’ power in conflicts should not be down played.
{"title":"Students-Management Conflicts in Tertiary Institutions in Ghana: A Review of Their Nature in University for Development Studies from 1999 to 2009","authors":"John Yaw Akparep, Daniel A. Bagah, F. Teng-Zeng","doi":"10.15640/jgpc.v7n2a3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15640/jgpc.v7n2a3","url":null,"abstract":"This paper is on students-management conflicts in tertiary institutions in Ghana with particular focus on their nature in University for Development Studies from 1999 to 2009. Questionnaires and interview guides were the data collection tools employed and administered to 40 respondents. Data were analyzed qualitatively in narratives and with graphs, tables and matrices. The study found that: there was a (big class) structural gap between students and management; re-enforced by the autocratic/authoritarian leadership style of Management. Conflicts were high and worrying in the University. Conflicts between students and university management most frequently occurred and often took the nature of revolts, violent demonstrations, boycotts/attempted boycotts of classes/examinations, verbal assaults and physical attacks. The paper concluded that the nature of conflicts witnessed was often that of violence. We recommended that early conflict warning signs, often noticeable in their very nature should not be treated laggingly and reactively but proactively to lessen the nature they take in the end and that students’ power in conflicts should not be down played.","PeriodicalId":400722,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF GLOBAL PEACE AND CONFLICT","volume":"102 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115256770","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Thucydides put forward the idea that, differential growth of power among states in the international system is the reason for great power wars. China‟s economic rise in turn increases its power in the system which challenges the current American led order. How can we explain this dynamics between the United States and China vis-à-vis conflict, and peace? Using written sources and historical analysis, the central argument is that there is still a danger of hegemonic war between US and China even in an era nuclear weapons and economic interdependence because of two reasons: being the leader gives more benefits than a free rider and China‟s domestic insecurity could force the regime into premature hegemonic war. This paper serves as a reminder to international relations on the existing strength of hegemonic war theory, the danger of future hostilities and need to avoid complacency on peace.
{"title":"Hegemonic Theory is not Dead: Regime Survival and Premature Hegemonic War – Impact of China’s Economic rise on the International System","authors":"Thomas Ameyaw-Brobbey","doi":"10.15640/jgpc.v8n1a2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15640/jgpc.v8n1a2","url":null,"abstract":"Thucydides put forward the idea that, differential growth of power among states in the international system is the reason for great power wars. China‟s economic rise in turn increases its power in the system which challenges the current American led order. How can we explain this dynamics between the United States and China vis-à-vis conflict, and peace? Using written sources and historical analysis, the central argument is that there is still a danger of hegemonic war between US and China even in an era nuclear weapons and economic interdependence because of two reasons: being the leader gives more benefits than a free rider and China‟s domestic insecurity could force the regime into premature hegemonic war. This paper serves as a reminder to international relations on the existing strength of hegemonic war theory, the danger of future hostilities and need to avoid complacency on peace.","PeriodicalId":400722,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF GLOBAL PEACE AND CONFLICT","volume":"76 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114168402","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
According to Goldman Sachs‘s projection, China‘s GDP, in terms of US dollars, will overtake that of the United States in 2030 to become the world number one. This raises the question whether Chinese world order is coming in the near future. Martin Jacques, whose answer to the above question is ―yes‖ in his book ―When China Rules the World‖ by focusing on economic power. However, Joseph Nye argued that military and economic forces (hard power) are not enough for a country to rule the world; the ability to shape the preferences of others (soft power) also plays a very important role in that matter. This paper finds that it is hard to jump to a conclusion that Chinese world order is coming, for it has not become revisionist state yet. The reasons for that are: China becomes the world‘s largest economy that is not a sure thing, the liberal world order will still be led by the U.S., AIIB and OBOR don‘t help China much in enhancing its power status and China has not set the common values with Chinese characteristics for the rest of world to follow.
{"title":"China’s Power Status and Its Impact on Chinese World Order","authors":"D. Day","doi":"10.15640/jirfp.v7n2a1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15640/jirfp.v7n2a1","url":null,"abstract":"According to Goldman Sachs‘s projection, China‘s GDP, in terms of US dollars, will overtake that of the United States in 2030 to become the world number one. This raises the question whether Chinese world order is coming in the near future. Martin Jacques, whose answer to the above question is ―yes‖ in his book ―When China Rules the World‖ by focusing on economic power. However, Joseph Nye argued that military and economic forces (hard power) are not enough for a country to rule the world; the ability to shape the preferences of others (soft power) also plays a very important role in that matter. This paper finds that it is hard to jump to a conclusion that Chinese world order is coming, for it has not become revisionist state yet. The reasons for that are: China becomes the world‘s largest economy that is not a sure thing, the liberal world order will still be led by the U.S., AIIB and OBOR don‘t help China much in enhancing its power status and China has not set the common values with Chinese characteristics for the rest of world to follow.","PeriodicalId":400722,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF GLOBAL PEACE AND CONFLICT","volume":"211 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123238112","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Sri Lanka is a multi-ethnic and multi-religious country which encountered a devastating civil war for 26 years. Although war ended in 2009, Sri Lanka is still far from reaching positive peace, as ethnic disharmony and national disintegration adversely affect the nation-building process. The Ministry of Education has formulated the National Policy on Education for Social Cohesion and Peace (ESCP) in 2008 to support national integration among different groups in Sri Lanka. The Ministry of Education has taken initiatives under the recommendations of the National Policy to build social cohesion through peace and multicultural education. This study examines the progress of initiatives taken by the Ministry of Education to build social cohesion in Sri Lanka. A survey was conducted covering 300 respondents or stakeholders of education to find out their perceptions on social cohesion and peace. Then, perceptions were analyzed to see whether they match with the objectives of the National Policy to evaluate, to what extent respondents have absorbed and accepted the message given through these initiatives for 10 years, since the formation of the National Policy in 2008 to 2018.
{"title":"An Analysis of Initiatives Taken to Build Social Cohesion and Peace in Sri Lanka","authors":"C. Mallawaarachchi","doi":"10.15640/jgpc.v7n2a2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15640/jgpc.v7n2a2","url":null,"abstract":"Sri Lanka is a multi-ethnic and multi-religious country which encountered a devastating civil war for 26 years. Although war ended in 2009, Sri Lanka is still far from reaching positive peace, as ethnic disharmony and national disintegration adversely affect the nation-building process. The Ministry of Education has formulated the National Policy on Education for Social Cohesion and Peace (ESCP) in 2008 to support national integration among different groups in Sri Lanka. The Ministry of Education has taken initiatives under the recommendations of the National Policy to build social cohesion through peace and multicultural education. This study examines the progress of initiatives taken by the Ministry of Education to build social cohesion in Sri Lanka. A survey was conducted covering 300 respondents or stakeholders of education to find out their perceptions on social cohesion and peace. Then, perceptions were analyzed to see whether they match with the objectives of the National Policy to evaluate, to what extent respondents have absorbed and accepted the message given through these initiatives for 10 years, since the formation of the National Policy in 2008 to 2018.","PeriodicalId":400722,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF GLOBAL PEACE AND CONFLICT","volume":"35 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126697786","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The application of customary laws between two disputant states is quite cumbersome if there is no written agreement. I explore how customary equidistance laws are used as a frame work to resolve a conflict between two disputant states. Customary equidistance laws are prominent in maritime boundaries. Ghana and Cote D‟Ivoire have a long history of written agreement to safeguard their maritime boundaries. This customary agreement was observed by the two countries for five decades without any rancour. The Ivorian government only became alarmed when Ghana made a substantial oil discovery next to the equidistance line bordering the two nations. This oil findings led to a diplomatic row between Ghana and Cote D‟Ivoire, which needed the intervention of a third neutral party. The International Tribunal for the of the Sea (ITLOS) acted as an arbitrator to resolve the impasse between Ghana and Cote D‟Ivoire. Prior to ruling, ITLOS placed an embargo on Ghana from drilling new wells in the disputed area. The embargo was disruptive to oil companies in Ghana. In the year 2016, the revenue of oil companies in Ghana fell by 50 percent.
{"title":"Ghana and Cote D’Ivoire Boundary Dispute: The Customary Agreements that Dispel a Looming Interstate War","authors":"Adam Alhassan","doi":"10.15640/jgpc.v7n1a3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15640/jgpc.v7n1a3","url":null,"abstract":"The application of customary laws between two disputant states is quite cumbersome if there is no written agreement. I explore how customary equidistance laws are used as a frame work to resolve a conflict between two disputant states. Customary equidistance laws are prominent in maritime boundaries. Ghana and Cote D‟Ivoire have a long history of written agreement to safeguard their maritime boundaries. This customary agreement was observed by the two countries for five decades without any rancour. The Ivorian government only became alarmed when Ghana made a substantial oil discovery next to the equidistance line bordering the two nations. This oil findings led to a diplomatic row between Ghana and Cote D‟Ivoire, which needed the intervention of a third neutral party. The International Tribunal for the of the Sea (ITLOS) acted as an arbitrator to resolve the impasse between Ghana and Cote D‟Ivoire. Prior to ruling, ITLOS placed an embargo on Ghana from drilling new wells in the disputed area. The embargo was disruptive to oil companies in Ghana. In the year 2016, the revenue of oil companies in Ghana fell by 50 percent.","PeriodicalId":400722,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF GLOBAL PEACE AND CONFLICT","volume":"416 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122860494","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Sports in Advancing Diplomacy in Kenya","authors":"B. M. Kinyili, S. Chaudhry","doi":"10.15640/jgpc.v9n2a1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15640/jgpc.v9n2a1","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":400722,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF GLOBAL PEACE AND CONFLICT","volume":"3 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128424884","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The article focuses on challenges to achieving sustainable peace in Democratic Republic of Congo, and specifically examines North Kivu Province from 1996 to 2017. It explores factors affecting peace-building process in order to ensure sustainable peace in DRC at the structural level. Qualitative research indicates that there is peace in DRC but not what DRC people look ahead to. People are experiencing negative peace. Quantitative data has been collected from individuals interested in peace building process. In this study, challenges to achieving sustainable peace in DRC are explored using survey data collected from 384 respondents including local population, civil society activists and political leaders. The results indicate that 90.94% of respondents realized that key challenges to achieving sustainable peace in DRC include but not limited to bad governance, democratic deficit, deficit of judicial system and dictatorial regime. Up to 84.41%, they have reported that those challenges resulted into rebellion and uncontrolled armed groups, unequal distribution of national resources, weak participation of the population in decision-making, illicit exploitation of natural resources and political instability among others. To handle the situation, unanimously, respondents realized that the fact is possible through national dialogue, good governance and institution building resulting into united nation, good governance indicators and institutions functioning. Finally, the study recommended the following policies: coalition to struggle for good governance, struggle for rule of the law and education for democracy.
{"title":"‘‘Challenges to Achieving Sustainable Peace in Democratic Republic of Congo’’: A Case Study of North Kivu Province.","authors":"Kizaliwa Irumbo","doi":"10.15640/jgpc.v7n1a1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15640/jgpc.v7n1a1","url":null,"abstract":"The article focuses on challenges to achieving sustainable peace in Democratic Republic of Congo, and specifically examines North Kivu Province from 1996 to 2017. It explores factors affecting peace-building process in order to ensure sustainable peace in DRC at the structural level. Qualitative research indicates that there is peace in DRC but not what DRC people look ahead to. People are experiencing negative peace. Quantitative data has been collected from individuals interested in peace building process. In this study, challenges to achieving sustainable peace in DRC are explored using survey data collected from 384 respondents including local population, civil society activists and political leaders. The results indicate that 90.94% of respondents realized that key challenges to achieving sustainable peace in DRC include but not limited to bad governance, democratic deficit, deficit of judicial system and dictatorial regime. Up to 84.41%, they have reported that those challenges resulted into rebellion and uncontrolled armed groups, unequal distribution of national resources, weak participation of the population in decision-making, illicit exploitation of natural resources and political instability among others. To handle the situation, unanimously, respondents realized that the fact is possible through national dialogue, good governance and institution building resulting into united nation, good governance indicators and institutions functioning. Finally, the study recommended the following policies: coalition to struggle for good governance, struggle for rule of the law and education for democracy.","PeriodicalId":400722,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF GLOBAL PEACE AND CONFLICT","volume":"17 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129112122","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
South Sudan is the world‘s youngest nation born out of the conflict between the North and South. Once united in a common cause to form a state, however, the South Sudanese communities have entered into a renewed conflict and become divided communities. In 2013, South Sudanese leaders, Kiir and Riek, began an ethnic conflict. This paper will discuss the cause of the conflict and the role of leaders in fueling and solving the ethnic conflict and returning the nation to sustainable peace. The paper also highlights some of the main concerns in the renewed conflict in South Sudan and presents some recommendations for policy and practice that may be of interest to the current transitional government of national unity formed in February 2020. The IGAD and international community joined hands and launched a peace initiative that culminated in the round two of the Revitalized Agreement on the Resolution of the Conflict in the Republic of South Sudan (R-ARCRSS) in September 2018. The paper is arranged in the following order, introduction, theoretical framework, cause of conflict, and role of the leaders in fueling the conflict, solving the ethnic conflict, South Sudan‘s return to peace. The paper ends with a conclusion and recommendations.
{"title":"The Need for Effective Leadership for Peacebuilding and Reconciliation in Divided Societies","authors":"David Mabior Atem","doi":"10.15640/jgpc.v8n2a1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15640/jgpc.v8n2a1","url":null,"abstract":"South Sudan is the world‘s youngest nation born out of the conflict between the North and South. Once united in a common cause to form a state, however, the South Sudanese communities have entered into a renewed conflict and become divided communities. In 2013, South Sudanese leaders, Kiir and Riek, began an ethnic conflict. This paper will discuss the cause of the conflict and the role of leaders in fueling and solving the ethnic conflict and returning the nation to sustainable peace. The paper also highlights some of the main concerns in the renewed conflict in South Sudan and presents some recommendations for policy and practice that may be of interest to the current transitional government of national unity formed in February 2020. The IGAD and international community joined hands and launched a peace initiative that culminated in the round two of the Revitalized Agreement on the Resolution of the Conflict in the Republic of South Sudan (R-ARCRSS) in September 2018. The paper is arranged in the following order, introduction, theoretical framework, cause of conflict, and role of the leaders in fueling the conflict, solving the ethnic conflict, South Sudan‘s return to peace. The paper ends with a conclusion and recommendations.","PeriodicalId":400722,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF GLOBAL PEACE AND CONFLICT","volume":"11 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127859143","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
With the increasing proclivity of civil wars around the globe, it is important to know who gets involved in these conflicts and why. Third-party states considering whether to intervene in an outside civil war may make the decision to act based on perceived self-interest in the valuable natural resources which may be found in a civil war-afflicted state. I hypothesize that the type of domestic regime in a potentially interventionist thirdparty nation will affect when that country decides to militarily intervene in an external civil war. My analysis examines the effect of natural resources (specifically petroleum and coltan) on which type of regime will intervene, given those resources are located in the state experiencing the civil war. In line with my three hypotheses, I find that democracies will intervene more readily in countries which are oil producers and are experiencing a civil war, autocracies will intervene more readily in countries with known oil reserves (but not necessarily homes to oil production), and similarly autocracies are more likely to intervene in coltanpossessing countries in the hope of gaining control over this valuable (and easy to extract) mineral when compared to their more domestic audience-sensitive democratic counterparts. However, the results of the analysis are somewhat modest in terms of substance.
{"title":"Of Democracies, Dictatorships, and Resource Deposits: A Time-Series Analysis of Third-Party State Military Interventions in Civil Wars","authors":"Jonathan Andrew Stewart Honig","doi":"10.15640/jgpc.v7n2a1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15640/jgpc.v7n2a1","url":null,"abstract":"With the increasing proclivity of civil wars around the globe, it is important to know who gets involved in these conflicts and why. Third-party states considering whether to intervene in an outside civil war may make the decision to act based on perceived self-interest in the valuable natural resources which may be found in a civil war-afflicted state. I hypothesize that the type of domestic regime in a potentially interventionist thirdparty nation will affect when that country decides to militarily intervene in an external civil war. My analysis examines the effect of natural resources (specifically petroleum and coltan) on which type of regime will intervene, given those resources are located in the state experiencing the civil war. In line with my three hypotheses, I find that democracies will intervene more readily in countries which are oil producers and are experiencing a civil war, autocracies will intervene more readily in countries with known oil reserves (but not necessarily homes to oil production), and similarly autocracies are more likely to intervene in coltanpossessing countries in the hope of gaining control over this valuable (and easy to extract) mineral when compared to their more domestic audience-sensitive democratic counterparts. However, the results of the analysis are somewhat modest in terms of substance.","PeriodicalId":400722,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF GLOBAL PEACE AND CONFLICT","volume":"20 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125777998","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Challenges to Achieving Sustainable Peace in Democratic Republic of Congo: A Case Study of North Kivu Province","authors":"Kizaliwa Irumbo","doi":"10.15640/jgpc.v7n1a4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15640/jgpc.v7n1a4","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":400722,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF GLOBAL PEACE AND CONFLICT","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128834109","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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