Pub Date : 2023-02-03DOI: 10.36693/202203p.389-390
{"title":"Solidarni z Ukrainą. Oświadczenie Redakcji","authors":"","doi":"10.36693/202203p.389-390","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.36693/202203p.389-390","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":407009,"journal":{"name":"Solidarni z Ukrainą","volume":"21 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-02-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130562753","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Sprostowanie do artykułu: Tomasz Strzembosz, Konspiracja na ziemi augustowskiej pod okupacją radziecką (1939–1941), „Przegląd Historyczny”, LXXXIII, 1992, 4, s. 667–705","authors":"","doi":"10.36693/202203p.616","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.36693/202203p.616","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":407009,"journal":{"name":"Solidarni z Ukrainą","volume":"6 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-02-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121765680","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-03DOI: 10.36693/202203p.609-615
{"title":"Kodeks etyki Polskiego Towarzystwa Historycznego","authors":"","doi":"10.36693/202203p.609-615","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.36693/202203p.609-615","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":407009,"journal":{"name":"Solidarni z Ukrainą","volume":"48 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-02-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128406829","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-03DOI: 10.36693/202203p.435-460
A husband of the daughter, an associate of the in-laws or a threat to the family? On the role of the son-in-law in burgher families on the basis of testaments from 1541–1560 In the article the author examines questions relating to the position of sons-in-law in the early modern burgher families in Lviv. The conclusions of the article are based on sixteenth-century wills. As ego documents — personal documents — the wills contain information about private relations with the various relatives, serving as an irreplaceable source for research into the norms of family life. The problem of the relations between sons-in-law and the family of their spouses has not been previously tackled in the literature on the subject. Most authors have focused on analyses of the functioning of molecular families, leaving aside the relations between more distant relatives by blood or marriage. Yet sons-in-law are, apart from spouses and children, the family members most often encountered in last wills. The author’s analysis of the wills indicates that neither betrothal, nor marriage or payment of dowry put an end to contacts between the son-in-law and the in-laws. One the contrary, in burgher families sons-in-law often became associates in economic activities, representing the interests of not just their wives, but also their in-laws. At the same time, it seems significant that husbands of daughters were best captured in wills where there were no adult male descendants in the family, which enabled them, to some extent, to assume filial powers and privileges. At the same time, the son-in-law’s high position within the family may have made his father-in- law — the testator — who was in conflict with him fear for the future of both his widowed wife and his orphaned children. Thus the position of the daughters’ husbands was not strictly defined by custom, and their role as well as influence in their spouses’ families depended on various factors, including whether the family was part of urban society, whether there existed personal ties or other male relatives.
{"title":"Mąż córki, wspólnik teściów czy zagrożenie dla rodziny? O roli zięcia w lwowskiej rodzinie mieszczańskiej na podstawie testamentów z lat 1541–1560","authors":"","doi":"10.36693/202203p.435-460","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.36693/202203p.435-460","url":null,"abstract":"A husband of the daughter, an associate of the in-laws or a threat to the family? On the role of the son-in-law in burgher families on the basis of testaments from 1541–1560\u0000\u0000In the article the author examines questions relating to the position of sons-in-law in the early modern burgher families in Lviv. The conclusions of the article are based on sixteenth-century wills. As ego documents — personal documents — the wills contain information about private relations with the various relatives, serving as an irreplaceable source for research into the norms of family life. The problem of the relations between sons-in-law and the family of their spouses has not been previously tackled in the literature on the subject. Most authors have focused on analyses of the functioning of molecular families, leaving aside the relations between more distant relatives by blood or marriage. Yet sons-in-law are, apart from spouses and children, the family members most often encountered in last wills. The author’s analysis of the wills indicates that neither betrothal, nor marriage or payment of dowry put an end to contacts between the son-in-law and the in-laws. One the contrary, in burgher families sons-in-law often became associates in economic activities, representing the interests of not just their wives, but also their in-laws. At the same time, it seems significant that husbands of daughters were best captured in wills where there were no adult male descendants in the family, which enabled them, to some extent, to assume filial powers and privileges. At the same time, the son-in-law’s high position within the family may have made his father-in- law — the testator — who was in conflict with him fear for the future of both his widowed wife and his orphaned children. Thus the position of the daughters’ husbands was not strictly defined by custom, and their role as well as influence in their spouses’ families depended on various factors, including whether the family was part of urban society, whether there existed personal ties or other male relatives.","PeriodicalId":407009,"journal":{"name":"Solidarni z Ukrainą","volume":"109 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-02-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124827109","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-03DOI: 10.36693/202203p.461-486
The Cossacks and the Orthodox Church during the hetmancy of Petro Konashevych-Sahaidachny — the sources of the Cossacks national consciousness In the article the author examines the attitude of the Cossacks towards the Orthodox Church during the hetmancy of Petro Konashevych-Sahaidachny. The introductory part of the article focuses on the considerations of the date on which the Cossacks joined the fight for the rights and freedoms of the Orthodox Church. The main purpose of these considerations is to indicate the moment from which the decision to participate in this fight became an independent, well- thought-out act. Therefore, it seems reasonable to distinguish two periods in the contacts between Zaporizhia and the Orthodox Church, and to demonstrate the differences between them, that is different degree of Cossack activity in engaging in the matters of faith. Consequently, the author describes the religious activity of the Cossacks from the end of the 1590s to the protest of 1610, and from the mid-1610s to 1622, including the moment when Sahaidachny was elected Hetman of the Cossacks. The paper proper focuses on presenting the role of the religious factor in the attitude of the Cossacks, from 1620, through the period of the Khotyn War, until the death of their leader. The author draws attention to the fact that the period of Sahaidachny hetmancy was extremely important for the process of shaping the Cossack national consciousness, in which a very important element was the Cossacks’ involvement in the fight for the rights and freedoms of the Orthodox Church.
{"title":"Kozaczyzna wobec prawosławia w dobie hetmaństwa Piotra Konaszewicza-Sahajdacznego — u źródeł kształtowania się kozackiej świadomości narodowej","authors":"","doi":"10.36693/202203p.461-486","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.36693/202203p.461-486","url":null,"abstract":"The Cossacks and the Orthodox Church during the hetmancy of Petro\u0000Konashevych-Sahaidachny — the sources of the Cossacks national consciousness\u0000\u0000In the article the author examines the attitude of the Cossacks towards the Orthodox Church during the hetmancy of Petro Konashevych-Sahaidachny. The introductory part of the article focuses on the considerations of the date on which the Cossacks joined the fight for the rights and freedoms of the Orthodox Church. The main purpose of these considerations is to indicate the moment from which the decision to participate in this fight became an independent, well- thought-out act. Therefore, it seems reasonable to distinguish two periods in the contacts between Zaporizhia and the Orthodox Church, and to demonstrate the differences between them, that is different degree of Cossack activity in engaging in the matters of faith. Consequently, the author describes the religious activity of the Cossacks from the end of the 1590s to the protest of 1610, and from the mid-1610s to 1622, including the moment when Sahaidachny was elected Hetman of the Cossacks. The paper proper focuses on presenting the role of the religious factor in the attitude of the Cossacks, from 1620, through the period of the Khotyn War, until the death of their leader. The author draws attention to the fact that the period of Sahaidachny hetmancy was extremely important for the process of shaping the Cossack national consciousness, in which a very important element was the Cossacks’ involvement in the fight for the rights and freedoms of the Orthodox Church.","PeriodicalId":407009,"journal":{"name":"Solidarni z Ukrainą","volume":"49 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-02-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127245846","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-03DOI: 10.36693/202203p.545-582
“Russia rises from its knees” (remarks on the historical policy of the Kremlin elite) The author focuses in his reflections on the historical policy of the Russian Federation’s leadership. Activities in this area, evident since the early days of Putin’s rule, became particularly intense after Putin assumed the presidency again (2012), resulting in the establishment of a number of “social” institutions seeking to promote the official vision of history, in an attempt to interfere with school and university curricula, a campaign against “falsifiers of history” and repressive measures against organisations promoting a different interpretation of the country’s history (e.g. Memorial). Leading representatives of the Russian establishment became actively involved in creating the official vision of the past: in addition to the arbitrary Putin, parliament speakers, government ministers and even the heads of the atomic and intelligence agencies were keen to speak on historical issues as well. Prominence in this campaign was given to the propaganda of the idea of a “Russian world” (Russkiy mir), referring to the dogma of a “triune Russian nation” (including the Belarusians and the Ukrainians), actively supported by the Moscow Patriarchate, the appeal of which was strongly compromised only by the annexation of Crimea. In the article the author analyses Putin’s main historical statements, with a particular focus on his 2019–2022 speeches, characterised by undisguised resentment towards the West (including Poland) and hostility towards Ukraine. According to the author, from the historical point of view, Putin’s arguments are a mixture of contents taken from the sinister traditions of nineteenth-century Great Russian chauvinism, denying the Ukrainians the right to a national consciousness and language, and the views — fashionable in recent years among the Russian elite — whereby the national and state status of Ukraine is as young as it is artificial, as if it were an invention in the ideological sense of the last decades of the nineteenth century, and in the political sense — an artificial construct of the communist era, owing its existence solely to the leadership of the USSR. An analysis of the main publications and speeches of the Russian president clearly demonstrates the modest level of his own knowledge and the poor qualifications of his intellectual base. According to the author, history in the service of Putin’s propaganda has been reduced to a political instrument to be used on the tactical level, in the relatively short term, which corresponds well to the Kremlin elite’s perception of politics more as an ad hoc operational game than a subject of strategic planning.
{"title":"„Rosja powstaje z kolan” — uwagi o polityce historycznej kremlowskiej elity","authors":"","doi":"10.36693/202203p.545-582","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.36693/202203p.545-582","url":null,"abstract":"“Russia rises from its knees” (remarks on the historical policy of the Kremlin elite)\u0000\u0000The author focuses in his reflections on the historical policy of the Russian Federation’s leadership. Activities in this area, evident since the early days of Putin’s rule, became particularly intense after Putin assumed the presidency again (2012), resulting in the establishment of a number of “social” institutions seeking to promote the official vision of history, in an attempt to interfere with school and university curricula, a campaign against “falsifiers of history” and repressive measures against organisations promoting a different interpretation of the country’s history (e.g. Memorial). Leading representatives of the Russian establishment became actively involved in creating the official vision of the past: in addition to the arbitrary Putin, parliament speakers, government ministers and even the heads of the atomic and intelligence agencies were keen to speak on historical issues as well. Prominence in this campaign was given to the propaganda of the idea of a “Russian world” (Russkiy mir), referring to the dogma of a “triune Russian nation” (including the Belarusians and the Ukrainians), actively supported by the Moscow Patriarchate, the appeal of which was strongly compromised only by the annexation of Crimea.\u0000In the article the author analyses Putin’s main historical statements, with a particular focus on his 2019–2022 speeches, characterised by undisguised resentment towards the West (including Poland) and hostility towards Ukraine. According to the author, from the historical point of view, Putin’s arguments are a mixture of contents taken from the sinister traditions of nineteenth-century Great Russian chauvinism, denying the Ukrainians the right to a national consciousness and language, and the views — fashionable in recent years among the Russian elite — whereby the national and state status of Ukraine is as young as it is artificial, as if it were an invention in the ideological sense of the last decades of the nineteenth century, and in the political sense — an artificial construct of the communist era, owing its existence solely to the leadership of the USSR. An analysis of the main publications and speeches of the Russian president clearly demonstrates the modest level of his own knowledge and the poor qualifications of his intellectual base.\u0000According to the author, history in the service of Putin’s propaganda has been reduced to a political instrument to be used on the tactical level, in the relatively short term, which corresponds well to the Kremlin elite’s perception of politics more as an ad hoc operational game than a subject of strategic planning.","PeriodicalId":407009,"journal":{"name":"Solidarni z Ukrainą","volume":"15 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-02-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122350621","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-03DOI: 10.36693/202203p.519-544
The image of Ukraine and the Ukrainians in contemporary Polish history textbooks for primary schools The article is aimed at presenting the image of Ukraine and the Ukrainians in contemporary history textbooks for primary schools in Poland (after the 2017 reform of the education system). The author points to the presence in these textbooks of contents dealing with the subject in question, and examines the narrative of the textbooks with regard to analysis of history, presentation of shared Polish-Ukrainian elements of the past, debatable problems, presentation of common historical heroes, language and rhetoric used, and finally the auxiliary teaching materials present in the textbooks (additional reading, illustrations, maps, diagrams etc.). The analysis covers four series of textbooks prepared solely for the education market in Poland and one (“Europe. Our History”) which is a result of the collaboration between the Joined Polish-German Textbook Commission of Historians and Geographers, Centre for Historical Research of the Polish Academy of Sciences in Berlin, and the Georg Eckert Institute for International Textbook Research in Braunschweig. The analysis has made it possible to draw conclusions concerning e.g. positive assessment of the degree of saturation of the textbooks with content relating to Ukraine and the Ukrainians, correctly applied explanatory narrative and presence of various elements of the textbooks’ auxiliary teaching materials, useful in the implementation of the contents discussed. The author has also noted some shortcomings, including the still dominant narrative describing Poland’s political history (especially its military dimension) and too few positive narratives devoted to Ukraine and the Ukrainians. In addition, the author points to the clearly different nature and specificity of textbooks from the “Europe. Our History” series.
{"title":"Obraz Ukrainy i Ukraińców we współczesnych polskich podręcznikach historii dla szkół podstawowych","authors":"","doi":"10.36693/202203p.519-544","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.36693/202203p.519-544","url":null,"abstract":"The image of Ukraine and the Ukrainians in contemporary Polish history textbooks for primary schools\u0000\u0000The article is aimed at presenting the image of Ukraine and the Ukrainians in contemporary history textbooks for primary schools in Poland (after the 2017 reform of the education system). The author points to the presence in these textbooks of contents dealing with the subject in question, and examines the narrative of the textbooks with regard to analysis of history, presentation of shared Polish-Ukrainian elements of the past, debatable problems, presentation of common historical heroes, language and rhetoric used, and finally the auxiliary teaching materials present in the textbooks (additional reading, illustrations, maps, diagrams etc.). The analysis covers four series of textbooks prepared solely for the education market in Poland and one (“Europe. Our History”) which is a result of the collaboration between the Joined Polish-German Textbook Commission of Historians and Geographers, Centre for Historical Research of the Polish Academy of Sciences in Berlin, and the Georg Eckert Institute for International Textbook Research in Braunschweig.\u0000The analysis has made it possible to draw conclusions concerning e.g. positive assessment of the degree of saturation of the textbooks with content relating to Ukraine and the Ukrainians, correctly applied explanatory narrative and presence of various elements of the textbooks’ auxiliary teaching materials, useful in the implementation of the contents discussed. The author has also noted some shortcomings, including the still dominant narrative describing Poland’s political history (especially its military dimension) and too few positive narratives devoted to Ukraine and the Ukrainians. In addition, the author points to the clearly different nature and specificity of textbooks from the “Europe. Our History” series.","PeriodicalId":407009,"journal":{"name":"Solidarni z Ukrainą","volume":"59 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-02-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115693141","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-03DOI: 10.36693/202203p.391-434
A treasure and a maiden. On the fortune of castellan of Halych, Mikołaj Gołogórski, and his daughter Elżbieta Two hitherto unknown judgements of the Gniezno episcopal officials from 1478 and 1482 mention a treasure worth 10,000 marks left by the castellan of Halych Mikołaj Gołogórski. After his death in 1463, the guardian of the castellan’s daughter Elżbieta, the Archbishop of Lviv Grzegorz of Sanok and his legal successors were said to have seized part of this fortune and to have appropriated the village of Wicyń that belonged to Elżbieta. This new information prompts us to take a closer look at Mikołaj Gołogórski and Elżbieta. The future castellan was most likely the son of Mikołaj of Gołogóry, a town confirmed in 1389. It may have belonged to the Drzewic family. Mikołaj owed his career mainly to his close links to the Odrowąż family from Sprowa. In 1439 he became deputy steward (podstoli) of Lviv, over twenty years later was promoted to the rank of chamberlain (podkomorzy) of Lviv and towards the end of his life was made castellan of Halych. Active in Ruthenian local diets, appointed assessor in Lviv and Halych courts, in 1457 he served as a deputy to the Piotrków Sejm. He also proved himself to be an able steward. By investing in royal estates, buying villages and running settlement campaigns, he expanded the hereditary estates of Gołogóry. A fortified manor, his own clientele and foundation of a church demonstrate his aspirations to the lifestyle of a magnate. He was married to Barbara of Knihynice, with whom he had two daughters: Katarzyna, wife of Andrzej of Sienno, and Elżbieta. After the annulment of her marriage to Mikołaj Odrowąż, Elżbieta married Mikołaj of Ostrów, and mostly likely quickly split up with him. She died childless, leaving her fortune to her nephews, Jan and Wiktoryn Sienieński (Gołogórski). She managed her estates herself, struggling against financial problems and becoming embroiled in lawsuits. The most important among them concerned the rights to Wicyń, which, according to the Lviv court records, was pledged by Elżbieta with Grzegorz of Sanok. The circumstances in which both Gniezno judgements were passed and, especially, the fact that they contradict other contemporary sources raise doubts as to the credibility of the information provided by them, information that must have reflected the contents of the lawsuits. Even if Gołogórski’s treasure did exist, there is no certainty about its real fate.
{"title":"Skarb i dziewczyna. O fortunie kasztelana halickiego Mikołaja Gołogórskiego i jego córki Elżbiety","authors":"","doi":"10.36693/202203p.391-434","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.36693/202203p.391-434","url":null,"abstract":"A treasure and a maiden. On the fortune of castellan of Halych, Mikołaj Gołogórski, and his daughter Elżbieta\u0000\u0000Two hitherto unknown judgements of the Gniezno episcopal officials from 1478 and 1482 mention a treasure worth 10,000 marks left by the castellan of Halych Mikołaj Gołogórski. After his death in 1463, the guardian of the castellan’s daughter Elżbieta, the Archbishop of Lviv Grzegorz of Sanok and his legal successors were said to have seized part of this fortune and to have appropriated the village of Wicyń that belonged to Elżbieta. This new information prompts us to take a closer look at Mikołaj Gołogórski and Elżbieta.\u0000The future castellan was most likely the son of Mikołaj of Gołogóry, a town confirmed in 1389. It may have belonged to the Drzewic family. Mikołaj owed his career mainly to his close links to the Odrowąż family from Sprowa. In 1439 he became deputy steward (podstoli) of Lviv, over twenty years later was promoted to the rank of chamberlain (podkomorzy) of Lviv and towards the end of his life was made castellan of Halych. Active in Ruthenian local diets, appointed assessor in Lviv and Halych courts, in 1457 he served as a deputy to the Piotrków Sejm. He also proved himself to be an able steward. By investing in royal estates, buying villages and running settlement campaigns, he expanded the hereditary estates of Gołogóry. A fortified manor, his own clientele and foundation of a church demonstrate his aspirations to the lifestyle of a magnate.\u0000He was married to Barbara of Knihynice, with whom he had two daughters: Katarzyna, wife of Andrzej of Sienno, and Elżbieta. After the annulment of her marriage to Mikołaj Odrowąż, Elżbieta married Mikołaj of Ostrów, and mostly likely quickly split up with him. She died childless, leaving her fortune to her nephews, Jan and Wiktoryn Sienieński (Gołogórski). She managed her estates herself, struggling against financial problems and becoming embroiled in lawsuits. The most important among them concerned the rights to Wicyń, which, according to the Lviv court records, was pledged by Elżbieta with Grzegorz of Sanok.\u0000The circumstances in which both Gniezno judgements were passed and, especially, the fact that they contradict other contemporary sources raise doubts as to the credibility of the information provided by them, information that must have reflected the contents of the lawsuits. Even if Gołogórski’s treasure did exist, there is no certainty about its real fate.","PeriodicalId":407009,"journal":{"name":"Solidarni z Ukrainą","volume":"42 3 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-02-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125261298","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-03DOI: 10.36693/202203p.583-604
Warsaw — Constantinople — Ankara. The Turkish direction in the Promethean activity of Polish diplomacy (on the margin of the book: Iurii Chainskyi, Walka za kulisami dyplomacji międzywojennej. Turcja w polskiej polityce prometejskiej w latach 1918–1932, Studium Europy Wschodniej UW, Wydawnictwa Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego, Warszawa 2020, ss. 536) The article is an analysis of Iurii Chainskyi’s book Walka za kulisami dyplomacji międzywojennej. Turcja w polskiej polityce prometejskiej w latach 1918–1932 [Behind the Scenes of International Diplomacy. Turkey in Polish Promethean Policy in 1918–1932] (Warsaw 2020). Studies describing the history of Prometheism are still rare. The book under review is an extremely important, perhaps even the most important, study among those devoted to Prometheism. It impresses primarily with its source base. Chainskyi brings to light a number of new, previously unknown archive documents. This has enabled him not only to determine the role of Turkey as a state (Ottoman Empire and Republic of Turkey) as well as its geographical area in Polish Promethean activities of 1918–1932, but also to present the relations between Poland and the political elites of states and national entities that emerged within the territory of the former Russian Empire, elites who after their countries’ conquest by the Soviet Union emigrated mainly to Turkey and Western Europe. In addition, the author devotes a lot of attention in his book to the internal history of the Promethean movement. Particularly interesting are the author’s findings concerning the impact of Ankara’s and Warsaw’s relations with Moscow on the operation of Caucasian and Ukrainian anti- Soviet organisations.
{"title":"Warszawa — Konstantynopol — Ankara. Turecki kierunek aktywności prometejskiej dyplomacji polskiej (na marginesie książki: Iurii Chainskyi, Walka za kulisami dyplomacji międzywojennej. Turcja w polskiej polityce prometejskiej w latach 1918–1932, Studium Europy Wschodniej UW, Wydawnictwa Uniwersytetu ","authors":"","doi":"10.36693/202203p.583-604","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.36693/202203p.583-604","url":null,"abstract":"Warsaw — Constantinople — Ankara. The Turkish direction in the Promethean activity of Polish diplomacy (on the margin of the book: Iurii Chainskyi, Walka za kulisami dyplomacji międzywojennej. Turcja w polskiej polityce prometejskiej w latach 1918–1932, Studium Europy Wschodniej UW, Wydawnictwa Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego, Warszawa 2020, ss. 536)\u0000\u0000The article is an analysis of Iurii Chainskyi’s book Walka za kulisami dyplomacji międzywojennej. Turcja w polskiej polityce prometejskiej w latach 1918–1932 [Behind the Scenes of International Diplomacy. Turkey in Polish Promethean Policy in 1918–1932] (Warsaw 2020). Studies describing the history of Prometheism are still rare. The book under review is an extremely important, perhaps even the most important, study among those devoted to Prometheism. It impresses primarily with its source base. Chainskyi brings to light a number of new, previously unknown archive documents. This has enabled him not only to determine the role of Turkey as a state (Ottoman Empire and Republic of Turkey) as well as its geographical area in Polish Promethean activities of 1918–1932, but also to present the relations between Poland and the political elites of states and national entities that emerged within the territory of the former Russian Empire, elites who after their countries’ conquest by the Soviet Union emigrated mainly to Turkey and Western Europe. In addition, the author devotes a lot of attention in his book to the internal history of the Promethean movement. Particularly interesting are the author’s findings concerning the impact of Ankara’s and Warsaw’s relations with Moscow on the operation of Caucasian and Ukrainian anti- Soviet organisations.","PeriodicalId":407009,"journal":{"name":"Solidarni z Ukrainą","volume":"28 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-02-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121209173","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-03DOI: 10.36693/202203p.487-518
The instruction of the local diet of the Kyiv Province for the Sejm of 1646 By issuing the proclamation of 25 July 1646 Władysław IV called Sejm to convene on 25 October. Among the points raised by the royal legation, of top priority was the one concerning possible danger coming from the Turks and the Tatars. The royal court proposed a debate to gain support for the royal plans of a war with the Ottoman Porte and the Crimean Khanate. The plans forced an alliance with Russia and subsequent border review process, which resulted in Poland losing some of its territory. The Polish nobility did not support the king’s military plans. The attitude of the nobility affected the sejmiks, which jointly objected to the military plans in question. During numerous sessions delegates criticised other elements of the king’s policy as well. The location of the Kyiv Province (south-eastern Poland) exposed it to a possible hostile attack. This is why it is worth examining the attitude of the Zhytomyr sejmik towards the royal policy. During this sejmik the nobility decided to stop payments for Tatars but, at the same time opposed the war with the sultan. Members of the Zhytomyr sejmik demanded access to the proceedings of the Senate to reveal those behind the king’s policy and the presence of foreigners at the royal court. The instructions also highlight law-abidingness as well as some private affairs, like the dispute concerning the order of precedence of the delegates of the Ruthenian province, or the demand for a remedy for the ousting of Zhytomyr delegates from the Sejm during the previous session.
{"title":"Instrukcja sejmiku województwa kijowskiego na sejm 1646 r.","authors":"","doi":"10.36693/202203p.487-518","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.36693/202203p.487-518","url":null,"abstract":"The instruction of the local diet of the Kyiv Province for the Sejm of 1646\u0000\u0000By issuing the proclamation of 25 July 1646 Władysław IV called Sejm to convene on 25 October. Among the points raised by the royal legation, of top priority was the one concerning possible danger coming from the Turks and the Tatars. The royal court proposed a debate to gain support for the royal plans of a war with the Ottoman Porte and the Crimean Khanate. The plans forced an alliance with Russia and subsequent border review process, which resulted in Poland losing some of its territory. The Polish nobility did not support the king’s military plans. The attitude of the nobility affected the sejmiks, which jointly objected to the military plans in question. During numerous sessions delegates criticised other elements of the king’s policy as well.\u0000The location of the Kyiv Province (south-eastern Poland) exposed it to a possible hostile attack. This is why it is worth examining the attitude of the Zhytomyr sejmik towards the royal policy. During this sejmik the nobility decided to stop payments for Tatars but, at the same time opposed the war with the sultan. Members of the Zhytomyr sejmik demanded access to the proceedings of the Senate to reveal those behind the king’s policy and the presence of foreigners at the royal court. The instructions also highlight law-abidingness as well as some private affairs, like the dispute concerning the order of precedence of the delegates of the Ruthenian province, or the demand for a remedy for the ousting of Zhytomyr delegates from the Sejm during the previous session.","PeriodicalId":407009,"journal":{"name":"Solidarni z Ukrainą","volume":"60 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-02-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123108654","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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