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Material Aspects of Reading in Ancient and Medieval Cultures最新文献

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Reading Material Features of Qumran Tefillin and Mezuzot 库姆兰·特菲林和梅祖佐特的阅读材料特征
Pub Date : 2020-05-05 DOI: 10.1515/9783110639247-007
Yehudah B. Cohn
For fifty years or so, after the Qumran tefillin and mezuzot first came to light, scholarly focus centered on the biblical texts they contained, and on the relation of these artifacts to practices later discussed by post-destruction rabbis.1 More recent works by Adler and Cohn have treated material features independently of the rabbinic corpus, alongside textual ones,2 and here I will “reread” material features. To put it slightly differently, my goal in this article is to highlight the extent to which material considerations have informed the analysis of the Qumran tefillin and mezuzot—including instances where the material record shows less than has sometimes been claimed.3
在库姆兰的tefillin和mezuzot首次曝光后的50年左右的时间里,学术界的焦点集中在它们所包含的圣经文本上,以及这些人工制品与后来由毁灭后的拉比讨论的实践的关系上Adler和Cohn最近的作品将材料特征独立于拉比语料库之外,与文本特征一起处理,2在这里我将“重读”材料特征。换句话说,我在这篇文章中的目标是强调材料考虑在多大程度上影响了对库姆兰tefillin和mezuzot的分析,包括材料记录显示的情况比有时声称的要少
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引用次数: 0
What Ancient Christian Manuscripts Reveal About Reading (and About Non-Reading) 古代基督教手稿对阅读(和非阅读)的启示
Pub Date : 2020-05-05 DOI: 10.1515/9783110639247-012
C. Markschies
For a contribution on key aspects of reading in the various book-based religions of antiquity and their religious groupings, to look at non-reading probably sounds like something of a paradox. Too often however, we have become accustomed (as the term “book-based religion” itself shows) to regarding ancient Jewish, Christian and Muslim communities as first and foremost textual communities i. e. as religious communities which, according to Brian Stock’s definition “came to understand their identities through the mediation of written texts, which often were interpreted for them by key individuals.”1 Images of “textual communities” from Jewish, Christian and Muslim life spring to mind immediately: readings during the mass, the liturgical veneration of the book during Christian and Jewish worship, exegesis in Jewish synagogue sermons and Christian homilies, commentaries in Biblical books based on the ancient Alexandrian or Pergamenian commentary technique, excerption, citation, the paraphrasing of biblical texts in various genres, the compilation of lemmatised anthologies such as the Byzantine chain commentaries, the catenae.2 Besides as textual communities, we also have a tendency to regard the three more or less monotheistic religions (to use, for the sake of simplicity, a term from modern religious studies that is far from unproblematic) of late antiquity as reading communities, as an accumulation of reading circles and of networks circulating reading matter. Religious communities such as in Qumran, monastic movements like the Pachomian abbeys, institutions of higher learning like the Private University of the first Christian polymath Origen in Caesarea Maritima and of course the ancient Christian synods and councils too were, at least in our minds, not just textual but also very much reading communities. That the same Origen in his sermons, which he gave to a house community comprising about thirty members in the late 30s and 40s of the fourth century somewhere near the port of Caesarea Maritima, repeatedly called upon his audience to read up on the biblical texts he was referring to is another example of the existence of both a textual and a reading community.3 At a synod in the fourth century, to which guests were invited from throughout the empire to discuss problems with Trinitarian theology for example, it is documented that, naturally in the back rooms and during breaks in proceedings, those taking part grappled to arrive at common explanations—usually in the form of what were known as credos. Text drafts, which were also subject to intense discussion, were circulated at these and also significantly amended. In order to do this, it
对于在古代各种以书为基础的宗教及其宗教团体中阅读的关键方面的贡献,看看不阅读可能听起来有点矛盾。然而,我们经常习惯于(正如“以书为基础的宗教”一词本身所显示的那样)把古代犹太人、基督教和穆斯林社区首先视为文本社区,也就是说,根据布莱恩·斯托克的定义,这些社区“通过书面文本的调解来理解他们的身份,这些文本通常由关键人物为他们解释。”1犹太人、基督徒和穆斯林生活中的“文本社区”形象立即浮现在我的脑海中:弥撒期间的阅读,基督教和犹太教礼拜期间对书的礼仪崇拜,犹太会堂布道和基督教布道中的训诂,基于古代亚历山大或帕加米尼亚注释技术的圣经书的注释,摘录,引用,各种体裁的圣经文本的释义,汇编lemmatised选集,如拜占庭连锁注释,catenaa除了作为文本共同体之外,我们也倾向于将古代晚期的三个或多或少的一神论宗教(为了简单起见,使用现代宗教研究中的一个术语,这个术语远非毫无疑问)视为阅读共同体,视为阅读圈子和传播阅读材料网络的积累。像库姆兰这样的宗教团体,像帕科米亚修道院这样的修道运动,像凯撒利亚马里提玛的第一个基督教博学家奥利根的私立大学这样的高等教育机构,当然还有古代基督教会议和会议,至少在我们看来,不仅是文本,而且是阅读团体。同一个奥利金在他的布道中,在四世纪30年代末和40年代,在凯撒利亚马里提玛港口附近,他给一个由大约30名成员组成的家庭社区,反复呼吁他的听众仔细阅读他所提到的圣经文本,这是另一个例子,同时存在一个文本和阅读社区例如,在四世纪的一次宗教会议上,来自帝国各地的客人被邀请来讨论三位一体神学的问题,根据文献记载,自然地,在后面的房间和会议的休息时间,与会者努力达成共同的解释——通常以被称为信条的形式。在这些会议上分发了文本草案,这些草案也经过了激烈的讨论,并进行了重大修订。为了做到这一点,它
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引用次数: 0
Reading an Opisthograph at Qumran 在库姆兰读一本书
Pub Date : 2020-05-05 DOI: 10.1515/9783110639247-008
A. Perrot
The opisthograph manuscripts from Qumran, scrolls written recto and verso, have already received some attention in the history of research. Scholars such as Wise,1 Tov,2 Brooke,3 and most recently Falk4 have proposed lists and in-depth studies of these texts. However, none of them really dwelt on the reading of this corpus in Qumran.5 Is it possible to know how the reading of these particular manuscripts was “performed” at Qumran? Based on Falk’s article, the most recent to date, we would like to propose a typology of the reading of opisthograph texts based on voluminological aspects.6
来自库姆兰的手抄本,正反书写的卷轴,在研究史上已经受到了一些关注。怀斯、托夫、布鲁克和最近的福尔克等学者提出了对这些文本的清单和深入研究。然而,他们中没有一个人真正关注在库姆兰阅读这些文集。5是否有可能知道这些特定手稿的阅读是如何在库姆兰“执行”的?基于福尔克最近的一篇文章,我们想提出一种基于卷学方面的手写体文本阅读的类型学
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引用次数: 0
Material Aspects of Reading and Material Text Cultures 阅读的材料方面和材料文本文化
Pub Date : 2020-05-05 DOI: 10.1515/9783110639247-001
Anna Krauß, Jonas Leipziger, Friederike Schücking-Jungblut
Reading and its different practices and modes belong to the most important forms of the reception of script-bearing artefacts, covering a wide range of perceptive modes in the reception of writing.1 There are manifold possible approaches how to analyse reading. The main reason for this is the fact that the act of reading is dependent on several variables, e. g. material and formal aspects of the writing surface and the writing itself, the text, the reader, and the context(s) in which something is read. As Sterponi puts it: “[R]eading positions one in a web of culturally stipulated relations between bodies, minds, and texts as artifacts and symbols.”2 As the title of this volume indicates, the main focus here lies on the material aspects of inscribed artefacts and their influence on the act of reading. Although it is not the material artefact, but the text written on it, that is the actual object of reading, the reception of texts is inextricably linked to the material objects bearing them.3 While the media and artefacts of writing have not been at the forefront of research on reading and reading practices for a long time, the beginning of the digital age and with it the de-materialisation of texts brought into focus also the materiality of non-/pre-digital objects of reading. Starting with the reconstruction of the meaning of (printed) books for the interpretation of their content in the merely French history of the books in the late 1970s and 1980s (esp. Henri-Jean Martin and Roger Chartier) the materiality of the artefacts of reading has increasingly been taken into consideration both in the research on reading practices and in a wide variety of historical and philological disciplines.4 Accordingly, the present volume joins an ever-growing field of research.5
阅读及其不同的实践和方式,是接受文字器物的最重要的形式,涵盖了广泛的接受文字的感知方式分析阅读有多种可能的方法。造成这种情况的主要原因是,阅读行为取决于几个变量,例如,写作表面的材料和形式方面以及写作本身、文本、读者和阅读内容的上下文。正如Sterponi所说:“阅读将一个人置于身体、思想和文本之间的文化规定关系的网络中,作为人工制品和符号。2正如本卷的标题所示,这里的主要重点在于铭刻文物的材料方面及其对阅读行为的影响。虽然它不是物质的人工制品,而是写在它上面的文字,这是阅读的实际对象,但文本的接受与承载它们的物质对象有着千丝万缕的联系虽然媒体和写作的人工制品长期以来一直不是阅读和阅读实践研究的前沿,但数字时代的开始以及随之而来的文本的非物质化也引起了人们对非/前数字阅读对象的物质化的关注。从20世纪70年代末和80年代的法国书史(特别是亨利-让·马丁和罗杰·查蒂埃)中对(印刷)书籍的意义的重建开始,为了解释它们的内容,阅读人工制品的物质性越来越多地在阅读实践研究和各种历史和语言学学科中得到考虑因此,本书加入了一个不断发展的研究领域
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引用次数: 0
Indices 指数
Pub Date : 2020-05-05 DOI: 10.1515/9783110639247-016
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引用次数: 0
Reading the Songs of the Sabbath Sacrifice 诵读安息日祭歌
Pub Date : 2020-05-05 DOI: 10.1515/9783110639247-006
Friederike Schücking-Jungblut
Reading is a social mode of reception of a script-bearing artifact. Whereas by no means all writing was and is meant to be read,1 the scribal production and reproduction of literary compositions—in a broad sense—aimed and aim at being read. Dealing with ancient manuscripts that show literary compositions, two dimensions of reading come to mind: first, reading ancient manuscripts in a present-day scholarly perspective, and second, asking about the reading practices of the ancient readers. In the first context, one could evaluate the state of preservation of the manuscripts, the possibilities for reconstruction, the variances (“readings”) between different manuscripts, et cetera. In the second direction of research, one is asking about the modes of reception in the historical and social contexts from which the documents were produced. The first dimension is mainly the concern of editions of ancient manuscripts. Since the manuscripts of interest in this paper are all published in several editions from the last thirty years,2 I can focus on the second question, the ancient reading practices. But since reading—as most practices of reception—is a momentary act, that only rarely leaves marks in the manuscripts themselves, it is almost impossible to explore ancient modes of reading from the manuscripts that have been or can be assumed to have been read. What is accessible for research, however, are hints about intended modes of reading and reception in the documents themselves. Such hints might be found in the texts. However, codicological features of the manuscripts, for example, the choice of material, its preparation for the act of writing, and the design and the layout of the script can perhaps better shed light on the intended reading of the concrete document than the text itself.3 Along these lines, the present paper analyzes the manuscripts of the early Jewish Songs of the Sabbath Sacrifice that were found among the Dead Sea Scrolls by considering not only the scholarly editions of the texts, but
阅读是接受带有文字的人工制品的一种社会模式。虽然并非所有的写作都是为了阅读,但从广义上讲,文学作品的抄写和复制是以阅读为目的的。面对展现文学作品的古代手抄本,阅读的两个维度浮现在脑海中:第一,以当今的学术视角阅读古代手抄本;第二,询问古代读者的阅读习惯。在第一种情况下,人们可以评估手稿的保存状况,重建的可能性,不同手稿之间的差异(“解读”)等等。在第二个研究方向上,人们正在询问在产生这些文件的历史和社会背景下的接受模式。第一个维度主要关注古代手稿的版本。由于本文所涉及的手稿都是近三十年来出版的几个版本,所以我可以专注于第二个问题,即古代的阅读方式。但是,由于阅读——正如大多数接受的实践一样——是一种短暂的行为,很少会在手稿上留下痕迹,因此几乎不可能从已经或可能被认为已经被阅读过的手稿中探索古代的阅读模式。然而,可供研究的是关于文件本身的预期阅读和接受模式的暗示。这些暗示可以在文本中找到。然而,手稿的法典特征,例如,材料的选择,写作行为的准备,以及脚本的设计和布局,可能比文本本身更能揭示具体文件的预期阅读沿着这些思路,本文分析了在死海古卷中发现的早期犹太安息日祭歌的手稿,不仅考虑了文本的学术版本,而且考虑了这些文本的学术版本
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引用次数: 0
Reading Early New Testament Manuscripts 阅读早期新约手稿
Pub Date : 2020-05-05 DOI: 10.1515/9783110639247-011
John J Heilmann
In his recent publication on the production and transmission of early Christian gospels,1 Scott D. Charlesworth works out criteria to distinguish early Christian manuscripts that have been produced/copied in controlled settings for “public” use from those that have been copied in uncontrolled settings for “private” usage. Charlesworth defines the category “public manuscripts” as “intentionally produced to be read aloud by lectors in Christian meetings.”2 As the main indicators for identifying public manuscripts, he points to “sense breaks,” “punctuation,” and “lectional signs,” which would “greatly assist the task of the lector (ἀναγνώστης)” of “rightly dividing the continuous lines of letters in ancient texts (scriptio continua)”3 during ancient Christian worship.4 The term “sense break” refers to the paragraphos, a horizontal stroke found in the margins of ancient manuscripts. According to W. A. Johnson, on whom Charlesworth relies here, in papyri with literary texts, the paragraphos “was added primarily to assist with reading aloud—the typical way in which these literary texts would have been used.”5 Under the term “lectional signs”, Charlesworth includes markings on the level of letters and words, i. e. diacritics such as the trema, breathings and accents, as well as the apostrophe. In contrast, he suggests that the absence of these “reader’s aids” in early manuscripts of New Testament texts indicates a private setting “where MSS were read by individuals or where ‘private’ readings for family or friends were conducted, there was more leisurely interaction with the text and the need for reader’s aids was less pressing.”6 There is a fundamental methodological problem with Charlesworth’s approach: the fragmentary state of most of the papyri he examines does not allow for any definite conclusion about the absence of (in his terminology) “reader’s aids,” especially diacritics. Even more problematic, in my view, is that he assumes the presence of an official early Christian worship with a communal reading or even a liturgy of the word. However, the question of the broader social context of early Christian worship is not
在他最近出版的关于早期基督教福音书的制作和传播的出版物中,1 Scott D. Charlesworth提出了区分早期基督教手稿的标准,这些手稿是在受控环境下制作/复制供“公众”使用的,还是在不受控环境下复制供“私人”使用的。查尔斯沃斯将“公开手稿”定义为“故意制作出来供基督徒聚会上的牧师大声朗读”。作为识别公开手稿的主要指标,他指出“断续符号”、“标点符号”和“拣选符号”,这些符号将“极大地帮助诵经者(ά ναγνώστης)”在古代基督教崇拜中“正确地划分古代文本(scriptio continua)中连续的字母行”“断行”指的是段落,在古代手稿的空白处发现的一种水平笔画。根据查尔斯沃斯在这里所引用的w·a·约翰逊的说法,在有文学文本的莎草纸上,段落“主要是为了帮助大声朗读——这是这些文学文本的典型使用方式。”在“选举符号”这个术语下,查尔斯沃思包括了字母和单词层面的标记,即变音符,如颤音、呼吸和重音,以及撇号。相比之下,他认为在新约文本的早期手稿中缺乏这些“读者的辅助”表明了一个私人环境,“MSS是由个人阅读的,或者是为家人或朋友进行的‘私人’阅读,与文本的互动更悠闲,对读者辅助的需求也不那么紧迫。”查尔斯沃斯的研究方法存在一个基本的方法论问题:他所研究的大部分纸莎草纸的残缺状态,无法得出任何关于(用他的术语来说)“读者辅助工具”缺失的明确结论,尤其是变音符号。在我看来,更有问题的是,他假设官方早期基督教崇拜的存在,是一种公共阅读,甚至是一种礼拜仪式。然而,早期基督教崇拜的更广泛的社会背景的问题不是
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引用次数: 0
Scribal Habits and Scholarly Texts 抄写习惯和学术文本
Pub Date : 2020-05-05 DOI: 10.1515/9783110639247-004
L. Quick
My interest in a comparative codicological approach to ancient Jewish manuscripts was preempted by a disjuncture that I had begun to notice between scholarship on two different genres written in Aramaic and recovered from among the literary finds from the Dead Sea. On the one hand, there is an increasing body of scholarship that has related the Aramaic apocalyptic, astronomical and physiognomic material to the direct knowledge of the scribes behind these texts with the Babylonian scholarly tradition.1 On the other, scholars have been reticent to associate the Aramaic court tales with a Mesopotamian horizon—despite the diaspora setting of much of this material— precisely because this literature has been deemed to stand outside of the scholarly tradition, and hence the scribes who produced these texts unable to access Babylonian literature.2 These sort of assumptions have also governed scholarly approaches to biblical texts, with the generic division found in the book of Daniel related to the differing social groups at which the material was apparently aimed: so the high-register Hebrew apocalyptic visions aimed at a scholarly audience; and the low-register Aramaic tales at a lower-class readership.3 Underlying this supposition is the idea that
我对古代犹太手稿的比较法典学方法的兴趣被一种脱节所取代,我开始注意到,在死海的文学发现中,用阿拉姆语写的两种不同体裁的学术研究之间存在脱节。一方面,越来越多的学者将亚拉姆语的启示录、天文学和面相材料与这些文本背后的文士的直接知识联系起来,并将其与巴比伦学术传统联系起来另一方面,学者们一直不愿将阿拉姆宫廷故事与美索不达米亚的地平线联系起来——尽管这些材料中的大部分都是流散的背景——正是因为这些文献被认为是站在学术传统之外的,因此,制作这些文本的抄写员无法接触到巴比伦文献这些假设也支配着研究圣经文本的学术方法,但以理书中发现的一般划分与材料所针对的不同社会群体有关:希伯来语的高级启示是针对学术读者的;和低层次的阿拉姆语故事在下层读者这个假设背后的想法是
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引用次数: 0
Frontmatter
Pub Date : 2020-05-05 DOI: 10.1515/9783110639247-fm
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引用次数: 0
Scribal Production and Literacy at Qumran 库姆兰的文字生产和读写能力
Pub Date : 2019-11-07 DOI: 10.1515/9783110639247-003
Lindsey A. Askin
The study of the Dead Sea Scrolls and the site of Qumran entails at times a narrative of a “poor intellectual community” of wise and pious scribes and sages—in other words, a scribal centre humming primarily with manuscript production, study, and even composition of new texts.1 The creators of the Scrolls are regarded as a collective society, still bordering somewhere near the proto-monastic, characterised by exceptional levels of literacy. The unusually high literacy attributed to the Qumran community is reminiscent of that attributed to other social pockets whose written outpourings were preserved by the accident of history such as the workman’s village of Deir al-Medina in Egypt. The Scrolls are a collection of between 700 and 900 manuscripts, dating from the mid-third century BCE to mid-first century CE. The scrolls tell us about the activities of writing and reading in early Judaism, about religious thought, biblical interpretation, and the early Jewish literary spirit.2 The collection is associated with the archaeological site of Khirbet Qumran on the western shore of the Dead Sea due to the geographical and chronological proximity of the twelve caves in which the Scrolls were found and inhabitation of the site during the same era. Locating the provenance of the Scrolls with Qumran is not beyond dispute, it is close to scholarly consen-sus.3 The Scrolls some of the earliest manuscript witnesses to the Hebrew Bible, offering a glimpse into the life of an early Jewish movement living along the Dead Sea. These manuscripts present a useful material-textual example of the rich religious and literary variety of Judaism before the destruction of the Second Temple of Jerusalem by the Romans in 70 CE.
对死海古卷和库姆兰遗址的研究,有时需要叙述一个由明智而虔诚的抄写员和圣贤组成的“贫穷的知识分子社区”——换句话说,一个抄写员中心,主要是手稿的生产、研究,甚至是新文本的创作古卷的创造者被认为是一个集体社会,在某种程度上仍然接近于原始的修道院,其特点是特殊的文化水平。库姆兰社区异乎寻常的高识字率让人想起了其他被历史偶然保存下来的社会群体,比如埃及的代尔麦地那(Deir al-Medina)工人村。古卷是700到900份手稿的集合,可以追溯到公元前3世纪中期到公元1世纪中期。古卷向我们讲述了早期犹太教的写作和阅读活动、宗教思想、圣经解读以及早期犹太文学精神该收藏与死海西岸的Khirbet Qumran考古遗址有关,因为发现古卷的12个洞穴在地理和时间上都很接近,而且该遗址在同一时代也有人居住。与库姆兰一起确定古卷的出处并不是没有争议的,它接近于学术共识古卷是《希伯来圣经》最早的手稿之一,让我们得以一窥死海沿岸早期犹太运动的生活。在公元70年罗马人摧毁耶路撒冷第二圣殿之前,这些手稿提供了丰富的犹太教宗教和文学多样性的有用材料和文本范例。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Material Aspects of Reading in Ancient and Medieval Cultures
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