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Confucius and Cicero最新文献

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Mind, Heaven, and Ritual in the Xunzi 《荀子》中的心、天、礼
Pub Date : 2019-12-16 DOI: 10.1515/9783110616804-005
Jungsam Yum
Mozi was fixated on the useful and did not understand the value of good form. Song Xing was fixated on having few desires and did not understand the value of achieving their objects. Shen Dao was fixated on laws and did not understand the value of having worthy people. Shen Buhai was fixated on power and did not understand the value of having wise people. Huizi was fixated on wording and did not understand the value of what is sub-stantial. Zhuangzi was fixated on the heavenly and did not understand the value of the human.³
墨子只注重实用,不懂得形式美的价值。宋星贪图少欲,不懂得达到目的的价值。沈道执著于法律,不懂得拥有有价值的人的价值。沈不海执著于权力,不懂得拥有贤士的价值。惠子拘泥于文字,不懂得实质的价值。庄子只看天,不懂得人的价值
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引用次数: 0
Becoming human(e): Confucius’ Way to仁 and the Imitation of Christ in Yi Byeok’s Essence of Sacred Doctrine (聖敎要旨; Seonggyo yoji) 成为人(五):孔子的“仁之道”与易比耶《神学本质》中的基督模仿Seonggyo跟)
Pub Date : 2019-12-16 DOI: 10.1515/9783110616804-009
S. Mercier
As it is well known, 仁 (ren2) or ‘Humanity’ is composed of the combination of two characters, namely that of human being (人, ren2) and that of two (二, er4); hence it is expressive of the relationship between human beings. ‘Benevolence’ is a valid translation too, but ‘Humanity’ carries the ‘human’ element that strikes the Chinese audience just the way it does for a Westerner, immediately relating man with humanity. Humanity is not primarily a matter of inner conscience or internal virtue but is first and foremost a social virtue, hence the link between humanity and what we can translate as ‘empathy or ‘reciprocity’, 恕 (shu4) in Analects 15.24 about the ‘one rule’ that one can use and practice one’s whole life, and that is about not doing to others what you wouldn’t want them to do to you. The willingness to put oneself in the position of another to try and understand the world as another sees it is a closely related feature of reciprocity, and this is why Wing-tsit Chan, for example, translates the word as ‘altruism’. Analects 4.15 is headed in the same direction with the all-pervading unity and single thread of Confucius’ teaching as explained by Master Zeng:夫子之道,忠恕而已 矣。 “The Master’s way is all about being ‘principled’ (or ‘sincere’) and ‘benevolent’ (or ‘fair’)”. (忠恕; zhong1shu4). Confucius, to be sure, did not make up or coin the word仁, but he gave it a key position within his philosophy: before him, it was just one virtue among many; in Confucius’ thought, it became the very marker of virtue itself. Now, there’s nothing like a ‘systematic’ philosophy in Confucius; and, to be fair, the very idea of systematic philosophy is so perfectly alien to Confucius and even to the Classical Chinese language that one cannot even forge an apt way of conveying the idea of what a modern Westerner has in mind when it comes to ‘systematic philosophy’. And that is not because modern-day Westerners are smarter than the Chinese of old, but because we see things differently to begin with. As a result, one has to keep in mind that Confucius himself would rather think of himself as a political advisor, a pedagogue, a teacher, and a counselor who tries to address situations and events in context rather in the abstract. Confucius is quite the opposite of an idealist; he is a practical thinker keen to learn from
众所周知,“仁”字由两个字组成,即“人”字(“人”)和“二”字(“二”);因此,它表达了人与人之间的关系。“仁”也是一个有效的翻译,但“人性”一词带有“人性”的元素,就像它在西方人身上所做的那样,直接将人与人性联系起来。人性主要不是内在的良心或内在的美德,而是首先是一种社会美德,因此人性与我们可以翻译为“同理心”或“互惠”之间的联系,《论语》15.24中关于一个人可以终生使用和实践的“一条规则”,即你所不希望别人对你所做的,不要去做。愿意把自己放在别人的位置上,试着理解别人所看到的世界,这是互惠的一个密切相关的特征,这就是为什么陈永泽(Wing-tsit Chan)把这个词翻译成“利他主义”。《论语》4.15是朝着同样的方向前进的,正如曾大师所解释的那样,孔子的教学是无所不包的统一和单一的主线:“夫子的道就是‘有原则’(或‘诚’)和‘仁善’(或‘公平’)”。(忠恕; zhong1shu4)。当然,“仁”这个词并不是孔子编造或创造的,但他在他的哲学中给了它一个关键的位置:在他之前,它只是众多美德中的一种;在孔子的思想中,它成为了美德本身的标志。在孔子的著作中,没有什么像“系统”哲学那样的东西;公平地说,系统哲学的概念对孔子,甚至对中国古典语言来说,都是完全陌生的,以至于当一个现代西方人想到“系统哲学”时,人们甚至无法形成一个恰当的方式来表达这个概念。这并不是因为现代西方人比古代中国人聪明,而是因为我们一开始看问题的方式就不同。因此,我们必须记住,孔子自己更愿意把自己看作一个政治顾问、一个教育家、一个老师和一个顾问,他试图在语境中而不是抽象地解决各种情况和事件。孔子完全不是理想主义者;他是一个务实的思想家,乐于学习
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引用次数: 0
Comparing Confucius and Cicero: Problems and Possibilities 孔子与西塞罗之比较:问题与可能性
Pub Date : 2019-12-16 DOI: 10.1515/9783110616804-002
Fritz-Heiner Mutschler
As author of this contribution, I have to start with some clarifications. I am not a Cicero specialist. I am a Latinist and as such have read quite a bit of Cicero, and I have taught Cicero, but I am not a Cicero specialist. And it is worse concerning ‘the other side’. Because my professional life developed as it did, at some point I came to China, learned, to a certain – limited – extent, Chinese, and – many years ago – read the Lunyu in the original. But I am not a sinologist, let alone a Confucius specialist. So what could have induced the organizers of this comparative enterprise to invite me to participate? It must have been the fact that I have done some work in the field of comparative studies between the GrecoRoman world and China: on Greek, Roman, and Chinese historiography,1 on the concept of empire in China and Rome,2 and on the Homeric epics and the Chinese Book of Songs as foundational texts.3 Thus, I assume that I am expected to comment on the comparison of Confucius and Cicero from a relatively general perspective, discussing both problems and possibilities that come into view when approaching this task.
作为这篇文章的作者,我必须先澄清一下。我不是西塞罗专家。我是拉丁主义者,因此读过不少西塞罗的著作,我也教过西塞罗,但我不是西塞罗专家。而“另一边”则更糟糕。因为我的职业生涯就是这样发展的,所以在某个时候我来到了中国,在一定程度上学习了中文,并在许多年前阅读了《论语》的原文。但我不是汉学家,更不是孔子专家。那么是什么促使这个比较项目的组织者邀请我参加呢?这一定是因为我在希腊罗马世界和中国的比较研究领域做过一些工作:关于希腊、罗马和中国的史学,1关于中国和罗马帝国的概念,2关于荷马史诗和中国的《诗经》作为基础文本因此,我认为我应该从一个相对普遍的角度来评论孔子和西塞罗的比较,讨论在完成这项任务时出现的问题和可能性。
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引用次数: 2
Index of names, main concepts and texts 人名、主要概念和课文的索引
Pub Date : 2019-12-16 DOI: 10.1515/9783110616804-014
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引用次数: 0
Confucian and Daoist, Stoic and Epicurean. Some Parallels in Ways of Living 儒家和道家,斯多葛派和伊壁鸠鲁派。生活方式中的一些相似之处
Pub Date : 2019-12-16 DOI: 10.1515/9783110616804-004
G. Parkes
(ICT).
(ICT)。
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引用次数: 0
Cicero and Confucius: Similitude in Disguise 西塞罗与孔子:伪装中的相似
Pub Date : 2019-12-16 DOI: 10.1515/9783110616804-012
Y. Takada
It is no doubt an exciting enterprise to put Cicero and Confucius in juxtaposition for comparative deliberations. They appear similar in their lifelong interest in politics and philosophy as well as in the ultimate failure of their respective political ambitions. Their visions of philosophy are apparently in agreement, particularly on the point of laying great emphasis upon practice and contingency. And they are alike in leaving, each in his own way, a great influence on posterity, which would eventually extend well beyond the confines of their respective birthplaces. These similarities seem indeed to invite a promising comparison; a closer look, however, reveals a number of significant dissimilarities. This is evident, for example, in the accessibility of basic textual sources: the Roman person wrote a great deal while the Chinese man spoke but left no writings behind. It is hardly possible to bridge the gap existing between the very different historicocultural milieus in which they were situated: the Chinese can be called the founder of a great tradition whereas the Roman is sandwiched historically between the two great traditions of (prior) Athens and (later) Jerusalem, and thus perhaps cannot. In this sense, the role Cicero had to play was that of transmitter and modifier of tradition. The purpose of the present essay, however, does not lie in proving the case for comparative incompatibility by drawing attention to dissimilarities. Rather, I wish to argue that any comparison of Cicero and Confucius needs to place them in their proper cultural contexts, which can only highlight their dissimilitude.
把西塞罗和孔子放在一起比较,无疑是一项令人兴奋的事业。他们对政治和哲学的毕生兴趣,以及各自政治抱负的最终失败,似乎都很相似。他们的哲学观点显然是一致的,特别是在强调实践和偶然性这一点上。他们都以自己的方式给后代留下了巨大的影响,这种影响最终将远远超出他们各自出生地的范围。这些相似之处似乎确实引起了一种有希望的比较;然而,仔细观察就会发现许多显著的不同之处。这一点很明显,例如,基本文本来源的可获得性:罗马人写了大量的文字,而中国人说,但没有留下任何文字。在他们所处的非常不同的历史文化环境之间,几乎不可能弥合存在的差距:中国人可以被称为一个伟大传统的创始人,而罗马人在历史上被夹在(先前的)雅典和(后来的)耶路撒冷这两个伟大传统之间,因此也许不能。从这个意义上说,西塞罗必须扮演的角色是传统的传播者和修改者。然而,本文的目的并不在于通过引起对差异的注意来证明比较不相容的情况。相反,我想说的是,任何对西塞罗和孔子的比较都需要将他们置于适当的文化背景中,这只能突出他们的不同之处。
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引用次数: 0
The Latin translations of Confucius’ Dialogues (Lun Yu). A comparison of key concepts 《论语》拉丁文译本。关键概念的比较
Pub Date : 2019-12-16 DOI: 10.1515/9783110616804-006
M. Ferrero
the concept of being at all the whole development of Confucian asked whether possible for to understand the question of Chinese, into the whole issue of the development of the Confucian tradition. this point of view, the Confucian tradition, in helped the Chinese to acquire a certain kind of cultural identity. The notion is that being Chinese regionally defined but is also defined, and this partly stems from the Confucian tradition. This is a highly controversial topic. ⁴⁰ The of Confucianism is so if anyone should asked to char-acterize in one Chinese way of life and culture, would be ‘ Confucian .
是否有可能将儒家的整体发展问题理解为中国的整体发展问题,纳入儒家传统的整体发展问题。这种观点,即儒家传统,帮助中国人获得了某种文化认同。这个概念是,作为中国人,地域被定义,但也被定义,这在一定程度上源于儒家传统。这是一个极具争议的话题。儒学的意义在于,如果有人被要求描述一种中国的生活方式和文化,那就是“儒家”。
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引用次数: 0
Roma Sinica and Confucius and Cicero: extending the boundaries and constructing relationships 中国罗马与孔子、西塞罗:边界的延伸与关系的建构
Pub Date : 2019-12-16 DOI: 10.1515/9783110616804-001
This volume marks the official birth of the new De Gruyter series Roma Sinica: Mutual Interactions between Ancient Roman and Eastern Thought.1 This series2 aims to cover a gap in scholarly publishing on the relationships between Ancient Greek and Roman culture and Chinese, Korean, and Japanese thought, and to draw a more precise picture of these connections, focusing on subjects such as philology, literature, philosophy, politics. In fact, the number of studies on the historical features of the contacts between Ancient East and West has grown in recent years, as testified by certain works.3 However, even if we are satisfied with our level of knowledge of historical and economic connections, we cannot say the same for the history of thought in its various facets. For instance, ancient evidence about connections among ancient Roman, Greek, and Chinese authors is very poor. But, in the XVIIth and XVIIIth centuries, the Jesuit fathers, such as Ricci, Intorcetta, and Longobardi, described and discussed in many passages of their books the thought of Chinese philosophers and writers by using their own cultural memories as cultivated Western men. These writers were well-versed not only in Christian texts and the Vulgate, but also in Cicero, Seneca, Plutarch, and many other ancient authors. They read ‘their’ China, ‘their’ Korea, and ‘their’ Japan with the eyes of men deeply rooted in their culture, making comparisons – implicit or explicit – between Confucius, Meng Zhou, and Roman writers. Moreover, they composed their books in Latin and had thus to develop effective linguistic strategies to allow Western readers to understand Eastern thought. This fact authorizes us to investigate the modality, the features
本卷标志着德格吕特新系列《中国罗马:古罗马与东方思想的相互作用》的正式诞生。1本系列2旨在弥补在古希腊、罗马文化与中国、朝鲜和日本思想之间关系的学术出版上的空白,并对这些联系画出更精确的画面,重点关注语言学、文学、哲学、政治等主题。事实上,近年来,关于古代东西方交往历史特征的研究越来越多,这一点得到了一些著作的证明然而,即使我们对我们的历史和经济联系的知识水平感到满意,我们也不能对思想史的各个方面说同样的话。例如,关于古罗马、希腊和中国作家之间联系的古代证据非常少。但是,在17世纪和18世纪,耶稣会的教父们,如利玛窦、因托尔塞塔和龙戈巴迪,在他们的书中用他们自己作为有教养的西方人的文化记忆,在许多段落中描述和讨论了中国哲学家和作家的思想。这些作家不仅精通基督教典籍和《圣经》,而且精通西塞罗、塞内加、普鲁塔克和许多其他古代作家的著作。他们用深深扎根于他们文化的人的眼光来解读“他们的”中国、“他们的”朝鲜和“他们的”日本,含蓄地或明确地将孔子、孟州和罗马作家进行比较。此外,他们用拉丁语写作,因此必须发展有效的语言策略,让西方读者理解东方的思想。这一事实授权我们去研究其形态和特征
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引用次数: 0
The Private and the Public in the Republic and in the Analects 《理想国》和《论语》中的私与公
Pub Date : 2019-12-16 DOI: 10.1515/9783110616804-003
Tongdong Bai
Plato’s Republic and Confucius’s Analects are two founding texts of political philosophy in the West and in China respectively. In spite of many differences, Confucius and Plato were facing a common problem: the threat of the private to the public. But they offered apparently radically different solutions. In this chapter, I will first present both models and then compare them with each other. In Section 2, I will discuss how the Analects deals with the issue of the private and the public. The Analects consists of apparently scattered and brief conversations. To tease out hidden messages in the Analects, I will also use many passages from the Mencius, another important early Confucian text, with the assumption that these passages are consistent with and can be considered an elaboration of the related themes in the Analects. Given the limited space, I cannot justify this assumption, and have to take it for granted. So, ‘the Analects’ used in this chapter is a symbol that represents certain strands of early Confucian thought, especially that found in the Analects and in the Mencius. With this caveat I will show that, although recognizing the conflict between the private and the public, the Analects pays more attention to the elements of the private that are constructive to the public, and uses the private as the natural locus of instilling people with public-mindedness. Where there still remains conflict between the private and the public in the mentioned texts, it will be resolved in a contextual manner. But I will also show, very briefly, how Han Fei Zi, the early Chinese Legal thinker, challenged the adequacy of Confucian solutions. If Confucian solutions are indeed inadequate, we may have to search for another model. This leads us to the discussion of the model put forth in the Republic. In Section 3, I will show that the Republic understands the private mostly as a threat to the public, and tries to suppress it nearly completely in order to protect the public. But this proposal also faces some fundamental challenges, which early Confucians would have, and Aristotle actually did make.
柏拉图的《理想国》和孔子的《论语》分别是西方和中国政治哲学的奠基文本。尽管孔子和柏拉图有许多不同之处,但他们都面临着一个共同的问题:私人对公共的威胁。但他们提出了明显截然不同的解决方案。在本章中,我将首先介绍这两种模型,然后相互比较。在第二节,我将讨论《论语》如何处理私人和公共的问题。《论语》显然是由零散而简短的对话组成的。为了梳理出《论语》中隐藏的信息,我还将引用另一个重要的早期儒家文本《孟子》中的许多段落,假设这些段落与《论语》中的相关主题是一致的,可以被认为是对它们的阐述。由于篇幅有限,我无法证明这个假设是正确的,只能认为它是理所当然的。因此,本章中使用的“论语”是一个象征,代表了早期儒家思想的某些方面,特别是在《论语》和《孟子》中发现的。有了这个警告,我将表明,尽管承认私人和公共之间的冲突,《论语》更多地关注对公众有建设性的私人元素,并将私人作为向人们灌输公共意识的自然场所。如果在上述文本中仍然存在私人和公共之间的冲突,将以上下文的方式解决。但我也将非常简要地展示,中国早期法律思想家韩非子是如何挑战儒家解决方案的充分性的。如果儒家的解决方案确实不够,我们可能不得不寻找另一种模式。这就引出了我们对《理想国》中提出的模式的讨论。在第三节中,我将表明,理想国理解私人主要是对公众的威胁,并试图几乎完全压制它,以保护公众。但这个提议也面临着一些基本的挑战,早期的儒家会遇到,亚里士多德也确实遇到过。
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引用次数: 1
Frontmatter
Pub Date : 2019-12-16 DOI: 10.1515/9783110616804-fm
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引用次数: 1
期刊
Confucius and Cicero
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