Pub Date : 2023-05-01DOI: 10.1163/18776930-01501009
Daniel Harbour
Nine characteristics of discontinuous agreement are shown to flow from a syntax that deals in whole phi structures and a linearisation algorithm that renders these discontinuous when conditions converge. This approach is demonstrably superior to reliance solely on syntax, morphology, or the lexicon, outperforming these across a range morphological and syntactic data from Afroasiatic languages and those of Australia and Papua New Guinea.
{"title":"Discontinuous agreement","authors":"Daniel Harbour","doi":"10.1163/18776930-01501009","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/18776930-01501009","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Nine characteristics of discontinuous agreement are shown to flow from a syntax that deals in whole phi structures and a linearisation algorithm that renders these discontinuous when conditions converge. This approach is demonstrably superior to reliance solely on syntax, morphology, or the lexicon, outperforming these across a range morphological and syntactic data from Afroasiatic languages and those of Australia and Papua New Guinea.","PeriodicalId":41665,"journal":{"name":"Brills Annual of Afroasiatic Languages and Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42714831","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-01DOI: 10.1163/18776930-01501003
R. Kramer
Discontinuous agreement has been the focus of considerable research, especially within the Afroasiatic language family. However, most previous work has focused on how discontinuous agreement is generated and has relied on data from verbs with relatively basic tense, aspect and mood. In this paper, I investigate a different kind of discontinuous agreement puzzle in an atypical kind of verb, namely, why and how the agreement prefix (but not the agreement suffix) is lacking from imperative verbs in Amharic. I argue that the agreement prefix undergoes morphological haplology because it repeats the second person features found in the imperative head. I then demonstrate how a haplology approach decides between two different analyses of discontinuous agreement: it furnishes evidence against a Linearization analysis (Harbour 2008a, 2016, this issue) and in favor of a Metathesis analysis (Hewett 2022, this issue). Overall, this paper develops a novel approach to imperative inflection, supports a Metathesis approach to discontinuous agreement, and advances our understanding of morphological haplology.
{"title":"The morphosyntax of imperative agreement in Amharic","authors":"R. Kramer","doi":"10.1163/18776930-01501003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/18776930-01501003","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Discontinuous agreement has been the focus of considerable research, especially within the Afroasiatic language family. However, most previous work has focused on how discontinuous agreement is generated and has relied on data from verbs with relatively basic tense, aspect and mood. In this paper, I investigate a different kind of discontinuous agreement puzzle in an atypical kind of verb, namely, why and how the agreement prefix (but not the agreement suffix) is lacking from imperative verbs in Amharic. I argue that the agreement prefix undergoes morphological haplology because it repeats the second person features found in the imperative head. I then demonstrate how a haplology approach decides between two different analyses of discontinuous agreement: it furnishes evidence against a Linearization analysis (Harbour 2008a, 2016, this issue) and in favor of a Metathesis analysis (Hewett 2022, this issue). Overall, this paper develops a novel approach to imperative inflection, supports a Metathesis approach to discontinuous agreement, and advances our understanding of morphological haplology.","PeriodicalId":41665,"journal":{"name":"Brills Annual of Afroasiatic Languages and Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48864803","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-01DOI: 10.1163/18776930-01501002
U. Shlonsky
Person, number and gender features in the Afroasiatic verbal system are sometimes prefixes, sometimes suffixes and sometimes both. This paper attempts to derive the Tamazight and Hebrew systems using syntactic tools and eschewing postsyntactic or morphological linearization rules. My point of departure is that syntactic heads contain a single feature and that features can be assembled into bundles and placed to the left or to the right of a stem by syntactic movement alone. In the simplest case, a feature is prefixal when it is merged above the verbal stem and the verbal stem remains below it and is c-commanded by it and it is a suffix when the verbal stem moves above it. The often-complex combination of prefixes and suffixes in the languages studied arises from the combination of multiple steps of movement which can target the stem alone or a category it pied pipes or is pied piped by. Allomorphy is expressed in terms of selectional restrictions and an alternative to impoverishment is proposed to handle neutralization.
{"title":"Rescaffolding the bundle in Afroasiatic inflection","authors":"U. Shlonsky","doi":"10.1163/18776930-01501002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/18776930-01501002","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Person, number and gender features in the Afroasiatic verbal system are sometimes prefixes, sometimes suffixes and sometimes both. This paper attempts to derive the Tamazight and Hebrew systems using syntactic tools and eschewing postsyntactic or morphological linearization rules. My point of departure is that syntactic heads contain a single feature and that features can be assembled into bundles and placed to the left or to the right of a stem by syntactic movement alone. In the simplest case, a feature is prefixal when it is merged above the verbal stem and the verbal stem remains below it and is c-commanded by it and it is a suffix when the verbal stem moves above it. The often-complex combination of prefixes and suffixes in the languages studied arises from the combination of multiple steps of movement which can target the stem alone or a category it pied pipes or is pied piped by. Allomorphy is expressed in terms of selectional restrictions and an alternative to impoverishment is proposed to handle neutralization.","PeriodicalId":41665,"journal":{"name":"Brills Annual of Afroasiatic Languages and Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47039451","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-01DOI: 10.1163/18776930-01501005
N. Faust
Several peculiarities of Modern Hebrew verbs of the nifʕal type are surveyed, showing that the past/present and future paradigms of this type are more independent of each other than those of other verbal types. It is proposed that different formatives are used in constructing the different paradigms; in this sense, these verbs in fact appear in two defective verbal types: one for the past/present and one for the future. The peculiarities surveyed are shown to follow from this proposal.
{"title":"Nifʕal—A verbal class which is two","authors":"N. Faust","doi":"10.1163/18776930-01501005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/18776930-01501005","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Several peculiarities of Modern Hebrew verbs of the nifʕal type are surveyed, showing that the past/present and future paradigms of this type are more independent of each other than those of other verbal types. It is proposed that different formatives are used in constructing the different paradigms; in this sense, these verbs in fact appear in two defective verbal types: one for the past/present and one for the future. The peculiarities surveyed are shown to follow from this proposal.","PeriodicalId":41665,"journal":{"name":"Brills Annual of Afroasiatic Languages and Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47936032","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-01DOI: 10.1163/18776930-01501007
Matthew R Hewett
Semitic agreement is normally discontinuous (i.e. expressed by more than one affix on the verb) only in the second and third persons. However, in restricted cases in particular languages, first person agreement is also discontinuous. I discuss two types of first person discontinuities. The first manifests the hallmarks of a meta split, persisting across paradigms and exponents. I argue that this type of first person discontinuity arises due to postsyntactic Fission which separates antagonistic sets of features prior to insertion and which is driven by markedness constraints on feature coexponence. The second type of first person discontinuity is restricted to a single paradigm and does not evince true discontinuous bleeding effects. Such discontinuities are best captured via morphological Doubling, modeled via Generalized Reduplication. First person discontinuities thus provide strong empirical support for the autonomy of morpheme splitting rules and morpheme copying rules. I demonstrate that each type of rule has a distinct empirical signature and acts as a repair to a different kind of morphotactic constraint. Consequently, there must be more than one route to discontinuous agreement.
{"title":"Discontinuous first person agreement in Semitic and postsyntactic modularity","authors":"Matthew R Hewett","doi":"10.1163/18776930-01501007","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/18776930-01501007","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Semitic agreement is normally discontinuous (i.e. expressed by more than one affix on the verb) only in the second and third persons. However, in restricted cases in particular languages, first person agreement is also discontinuous. I discuss two types of first person discontinuities. The first manifests the hallmarks of a meta split, persisting across paradigms and exponents. I argue that this type of first person discontinuity arises due to postsyntactic Fission which separates antagonistic sets of features prior to insertion and which is driven by markedness constraints on feature coexponence. The second type of first person discontinuity is restricted to a single paradigm and does not evince true discontinuous bleeding effects. Such discontinuities are best captured via morphological Doubling, modeled via Generalized Reduplication. First person discontinuities thus provide strong empirical support for the autonomy of morpheme splitting rules and morpheme copying rules. I demonstrate that each type of rule has a distinct empirical signature and acts as a repair to a different kind of morphotactic constraint. Consequently, there must be more than one route to discontinuous agreement.","PeriodicalId":41665,"journal":{"name":"Brills Annual of Afroasiatic Languages and Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48069676","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-01DOI: 10.1163/18776930-01501006
Itamar Kastner
How can we tell whether an agreement feature will end up as a prefix, a suffix, or a combination of exponents? Research on Afroasiatic languages has identified a number of asymmetries which can be found between prefixes and suffixes. This short review considers these asymmetries, points out three cross-Semitic generalizations, and outlines the possible sources for them. Four kinds of theoretical explanations are evaluated: Syntactic, Morphological, Morphotactic and Morphophonological.
{"title":"Prefixes and suffixes in Afroasiatic","authors":"Itamar Kastner","doi":"10.1163/18776930-01501006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/18776930-01501006","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 How can we tell whether an agreement feature will end up as a prefix, a suffix, or a combination of exponents? Research on Afroasiatic languages has identified a number of asymmetries which can be found between prefixes and suffixes. This short review considers these asymmetries, points out three cross-Semitic generalizations, and outlines the possible sources for them. Four kinds of theoretical explanations are evaluated: Syntactic, Morphological, Morphotactic and Morphophonological.","PeriodicalId":41665,"journal":{"name":"Brills Annual of Afroasiatic Languages and Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45053027","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-01DOI: 10.1163/18776930-01501004
Gioia Cacchioli
Head-final languages are not expected to display verbal prefixes. However, in Tigrinya—a consistent SOV Ethio-Semitic language—the “relative marker” is a prefix that precedes the subordinate verb. Taking an antisymmetric and LCA approach to head-finality, I challenge the idea that what have been traditionally called prefixes in head-final languages have an intrinsic “prefixal morphological property”. Instead, I argue that prefixes are elements that are subject to specific syntactic constraints that result in them appearing in front of verbs. I therefore propose a new syntactic analysis of relative clauses in Tigrinya that explains not only the appearance of the prefix zɨ- on the left of the subordinate verb, but also its occurrence on both the verb and the auxiliary in periphrastic verbal forms expressing progressive aspect: I suggest that zɨ- is a marker of successive-cyclic movement.
{"title":"The Tigrinya zɨ- prefix","authors":"Gioia Cacchioli","doi":"10.1163/18776930-01501004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/18776930-01501004","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Head-final languages are not expected to display verbal prefixes. However, in Tigrinya—a consistent SOV Ethio-Semitic language—the “relative marker” is a prefix that precedes the subordinate verb. Taking an antisymmetric and LCA approach to head-finality, I challenge the idea that what have been traditionally called prefixes in head-final languages have an intrinsic “prefixal morphological property”. Instead, I argue that prefixes are elements that are subject to specific syntactic constraints that result in them appearing in front of verbs. I therefore propose a new syntactic analysis of relative clauses in Tigrinya that explains not only the appearance of the prefix zɨ- on the left of the subordinate verb, but also its occurrence on both the verb and the auxiliary in periphrastic verbal forms expressing progressive aspect: I suggest that zɨ- is a marker of successive-cyclic movement.","PeriodicalId":41665,"journal":{"name":"Brills Annual of Afroasiatic Languages and Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48824385","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-01DOI: 10.1163/18776930-01501000
{"title":"Front matter","authors":"","doi":"10.1163/18776930-01501000","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/18776930-01501000","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":41665,"journal":{"name":"Brills Annual of Afroasiatic Languages and Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136273493","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-01DOI: 10.1163/18776930-01501008
Iris Kamil
This article re-evaluates the status of the Stative paradigm in Akkadian, the language’s only exclusively suffixing paradigm, and argues in favour of a verbal classification on the basis of the possible medialisation of its attested forms. The Stative denotes the state persisting following a perfective-associated event. Thereby, two kinds of Statives are known: a verbal Stative and a nominal Stative. While the root of verbal Statives is mapped onto a Verbal Adjectival base template, the nominal Stative uses either a noun or an adjective’s stem as its base. To the respective bases both forms add the same distinct set of suffixes. Re-evaluating the morphological make-up of the form as well as its semantic connotation, this article proposes a new paradigmatic split between root-derived (verbal) and stem-derived (nominal) Stative forms and adduces previously disregarded evidence for medialisation of both verbal and nominal Statives as the main argument in favour of a verbal interpretation.
{"title":"t-Forms of the Akkadian Stative","authors":"Iris Kamil","doi":"10.1163/18776930-01501008","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/18776930-01501008","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This article re-evaluates the status of the Stative paradigm in Akkadian, the language’s only exclusively suffixing paradigm, and argues in favour of a verbal classification on the basis of the possible medialisation of its attested forms. The Stative denotes the state persisting following a perfective-associated event. Thereby, two kinds of Statives are known: a verbal Stative and a nominal Stative. While the root of verbal Statives is mapped onto a Verbal Adjectival base template, the nominal Stative uses either a noun or an adjective’s stem as its base. To the respective bases both forms add the same distinct set of suffixes. Re-evaluating the morphological make-up of the form as well as its semantic connotation, this article proposes a new paradigmatic split between root-derived (verbal) and stem-derived (nominal) Stative forms and adduces previously disregarded evidence for medialisation of both verbal and nominal Statives as the main argument in favour of a verbal interpretation.","PeriodicalId":41665,"journal":{"name":"Brills Annual of Afroasiatic Languages and Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42193266","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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