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“The Language of Freedom” “自由的语言”
Pub Date : 2019-03-26 DOI: 10.5744/florida/9780813056210.003.0007
Keisha N. Blain
This chapter explores the political ideas of women in Garveyism, based on their writings in several global black newspapes of the 1940s, including the African: Journal of African Affairs and the New Negro World. It shows how women in the Universal Negro Improvement Association, from diverse backgrounds and writing from various locales, promoted a global black liberationist vision and added distinctive voices to discourses surrounding pan-Africanism. Maintaining cultural and racial bonds with Africans throughout the African diaspora, these women skillfully used the black press—on local, national, and international levels—to endorse anticolonial politics, challenge global white supremacy, and counter negative images and stereotypical depictions of African history and culture. Yet, while committed to that mission, these black women also embraced imperialist, civilizationist, and patriarchal views that promoted some of the same ideals they rejected. Examining the largely overlooked writings of Garveyite women (such as Amy Jacques Garvey and her involvement in the Fifth Pan-African Congress) in the United States and other parts of the globe captures the richness and complexities of black nationalist women’s ideas and activism during the twentieth century.
本章以女性在20世纪40年代的几份全球黑人报纸(包括《非洲事务杂志》和《新黑人世界》)上的文章为基础,探讨了加维主义中女性的政治思想。它展示了来自不同背景和不同地区的女性如何在全球黑人改善协会中促进全球黑人解放主义的愿景,并为围绕泛非主义的话语增添了独特的声音。这些妇女与散居海外的非洲人保持着文化和种族联系,她们巧妙地利用当地、全国和国际层面的黑人媒体,支持反殖民主义政治,挑战全球白人至上主义,反对对非洲历史和文化的负面形象和刻板印象。然而,在致力于这一使命的同时,这些黑人妇女也接受了帝国主义、文明主义和父权主义的观点,这些观点促进了一些她们所拒绝的理想。通过研究美国和全球其他地区的加维派女性(如艾米·雅克·加维及其参与的第五届泛非大会)的作品,我们可以发现20世纪黑人民族主义女性思想和行动主义的丰富性和复杂性。
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引用次数: 0
“No Race Question” “没有种族问题”
Pub Date : 2019-03-26 DOI: 10.5744/florida/9780813056210.003.0011
J. M. D. Oca
In the past, authors have emphasized the importance of Marcus Garvey’s ideas and organization, the Universal Negro Improvement Association, in the development of the labor movement in Trinidad after 1919. In so doing, they have often overlooked a more complex reality on the ground. This chapter examines the ways in which the Trinidad Workingmen’s Association (TWA) combined Garveyism and labor politics, and how they navigated the potential contradictions between class-based and race-based organizing more broadly. It adds to the existing literature on Garveyism and race consciousness in Trinidad, a perspective that situates the TWA’s ideas on race and class as a local dialogue interacting with global discussions among black radicals about labor organizing, socialism, communism, black internationalism, and pan-Africanism.
在过去,作家们强调了马库斯·加维的思想和组织,即普遍黑人改善协会,在1919年后特立尼达劳工运动发展中的重要性。在这样做的过程中,他们往往忽视了一个更为复杂的现实。本章考察了特立尼达工人协会(TWA)结合加维主义和劳工政治的方式,以及他们如何在更广泛的范围内处理以阶级为基础和以种族为基础的组织之间的潜在矛盾。它补充了关于特立尼达Garveyism和种族意识的现有文献,将TWA关于种族和阶级的观点置于当地对话中,与黑人激进分子关于劳工组织、社会主义、共产主义、黑人国际主义和泛非主义的全球讨论互动。
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引用次数: 0
Garveyism Root and Branch Garveyism根与枝
Pub Date : 2019-03-26 DOI: 10.5744/florida/9780813056210.003.0002
M. O. West
The Garvey movement was at once an end and a beginning. Although very much a product of its time – the immediate post-World War I era – Garveyism was an end in that it summarized much of the thought and struggle of nineteenth-century pan-Africanism and black nationalism. Marcus Garvey, not so much the man as the metaphor, and the United Negro Improvement Association, not so much the institution as the inspiration, sealed up a certain tradition (which included Toussaint Louverture’s Haitian Revolution and black revivalists) in the movement for black liberation in the modern world. At the same time, Garveyism was also a beginning, casting a long shadow on contemporary and subsequent movements against colonialism and white supremacy throughout the black world, including phenomena such as the Moorish Science Temple and Rastafari. This chapter places Garveyism at the center of a narrative spanning from the emergence of pan-Africanism in the eighteenth century to the Ethiopian crisis of 1935.
加维运动既是结束又是开始。尽管Garveyism在很大程度上是其时代的产物——即第一次世界大战刚刚结束的时代——但它总结了19世纪泛非主义和黑人民族主义的许多思想和斗争。Marcus Garvey,与其说是一个人,不如说是一个隐喻,而黑人联合进步协会,与其说是一个机构,不如说是一种灵感,在现代世界的黑人解放运动中确立了某种传统(包括杜桑·卢维杜尔的海地革命和黑人复兴主义者)。与此同时,加维主义也是一个开端,在当代和随后的整个黑人世界反对殖民主义和白人至上主义的运动中投下了长长的阴影,包括摩尔人科学神庙和拉斯塔法里教等现象。本章将Garveyism置于从18世纪泛非主义的出现到1935年埃塞俄比亚危机的叙述的中心。
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引用次数: 1
Popular Pan-Africanism 受欢迎的泛非主义
Pub Date : 2019-03-26 DOI: 10.5744/florida/9780813056210.003.0009
Adam Ewing
The success of Garveyism in Africa, the Caribbean, the United States, and elsewhere in the African diaspora calls attention to the manner in which pan-Africanism has spread not merely through the flow of ideas, associations, and cultural traditions generated and sustained by intellectual elites, but through modes of popular knowledge production. Following the spread of Garveyism beyond the organizational limits of the Universal Negro Improvement Association and in the guise of rumor and millenial prophecy offers scholars a method of tracking the breadth and depth of the movement’s wide-ranging influence. It helps us understand precisely why white authorities across the colonial world viewed Garveyism (and its publication Negro World) with such alarm. It invites a larger rethinking of the trajectories of pan-Africanism as a political device and about the parameters of the black global imagination more broadly. This chapter pays specific attention to the dynamics of Garveyism’s spread in South West Africa (Namibia).
加维主义在非洲、加勒比地区、美国和其他散居的非洲人中的成功,唤起了人们对泛非主义传播方式的关注,这种传播方式不仅是通过思想、协会和文化传统的流动,而且是通过知识精英产生和维持的,而且是通过大众知识生产的模式。在谣言和千禧年预言的幌子下,追踪Garveyism在全球黑人改善协会组织范围之外的传播,为学者们提供了一种追踪该运动广泛影响的广度和深度的方法。它有助于我们准确地理解为什么整个殖民世界的白人当局对加维主义(及其出版物《黑人世界》)如此警惕。它促使人们更广泛地重新思考泛非主义作为一种政治手段的轨迹,以及更广泛地思考黑人全球想象力的参数。本章特别关注加维主义在西南非洲(纳米比亚)传播的动态。
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引用次数: 0
“Hidden” in Plain Sight “隐藏”在众目睽睽之下
Pub Date : 2019-03-26 DOI: 10.5744/florida/9780813056210.003.0008
R. Vinson
This chapter is an initial attempt to recover the overlooked histories of Garveyite women in Africa. During the 1920s and 1930s, working within the South African Garveyite movement inaugurated by Wellington Buthelezi, African women in the Transkei indigenized global Garveyism to further their objective of African self-determination, particularly in their political, religious and educational lives. Regarded as apolitical tribal “natives” by government officials and as legal minors and social children by both black and white men, Garveyite women adopted transnational “American” identities to assert themselves as political actors, moving freely throughout the country to prophesy “American Negro” deliverance and to organize hundreds of independent churches and independent schools.
本章是恢复被忽视的非洲加维派妇女历史的初步尝试。在20世纪20年代和30年代,在惠灵顿·布特莱齐发起的南非加维派运动中,特兰斯凯的非洲妇女将全球加维派本地化,以进一步实现非洲自决的目标,特别是在她们的政治、宗教和教育生活中。加维派妇女被政府官员视为与政治无关的部落“原住民”,被黑人和白人男性视为合法的未成年人和社会儿童,她们接受了跨国的“美国人”身份,主张自己是政治行动者,在全国各地自由活动,预言“美国黑人”的解放,并组织了数百个独立的教堂和独立的学校。
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引用次数: 0
“No Surrender” “不放弃”
Pub Date : 2019-03-26 DOI: 10.5744/florida/9780813056210.003.0003
F. Sullivan
British West Indian migrants spread Garveyism across the circum-Caribbean in the late 1910s and early 1920s. Indeed, the organization was particularly important for those women and men who found themselves on the move. A core tenant and achievement of the United Negro Improvement Association was its portability and reliability. While spreading a powerful message of black racial uplift, Garveyites built an association that afforded members concrete benefits measurable in their day-to-day lives. Garveyism offered a degree of social capital for migrant laborers, as well as communities and networks that eased the impact of their move. This chapter examines the mechanics of this process in Cuba.
英国西印度移民在20世纪10年代末和20年代初将加维主义传播到加勒比海周边地区。事实上,该组织对那些四处奔波的男女尤其重要。联合黑人改善协会的一个核心特点和成就是它的可移植性和可靠性。在传播黑人种族提升的有力信息的同时,加维派建立了一个协会,为成员提供在日常生活中可以衡量的具体利益。加维主义为农民工提供了一定程度的社会资本,也为他们提供了社区和网络,缓解了他们迁移的影响。本章探讨古巴这一进程的机制。
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引用次数: 1
“The Age of Unrest, the Age of Dissatisfaction” 动荡的时代,不满的时代
Pub Date : 2019-03-26 DOI: 10.5744/florida/9780813056210.003.0010
J. Maynard
Writing in the aftermath of World War I, Marcus Garvey argued, “Never before in the history of the world has the spirit of unrest swept over as it has during the past two years”. He declared the era “the age of unrest, the age of dissatisfaction”. In Australia there emerged a vibrant pan-Aboriginal political movement, typified by Fred Maynard’s Australian Aboriginal Progressive Association, intent on demanding Aboriginal rights to land, opposing the government’s removal policy, defending an Indigenous cultural identity, demanding citizenship rights, and calling for self-determination and autonomy over Aboriginal affairs. This chapter examines Aboriginal political protest during this time of global upheaval, and examines the long-forgotten influence of Garveyism and the United Negro Improvement Association in the genesis of Aboriginal political mobilization during the 1920s.
马库斯·加维(Marcus Garvey)在第一次世界大战结束后写道:“在世界历史上,从未有过像过去两年这样动荡不安的精神席卷全球。”他宣称这个时代是“动荡的时代,不满的时代”。在澳大利亚,出现了一场充满活力的泛土著政治运动,以弗雷德·梅纳德(Fred Maynard)的澳大利亚土著进步协会(Australian Aboriginal Progressive Association)为代表,旨在要求土著的土地权,反对政府的搬迁政策,捍卫土著的文化认同,要求公民权,呼吁土著事务的自决和自治。这一章考察了在这一全球动荡时期的土著政治抗议,并考察了在20世纪20年代土著政治动员的起源中,Garveyism和United Negro Improvement Association长期被遗忘的影响。
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引用次数: 0
“The Second Battle for Africa Has Begun” “第二次非洲之战开始了”
Pub Date : 2019-03-26 DOI: 10.5744/florida/9780813056210.003.0004
Erik S. McDuffie
This chapter examines the underappreciated impact of Garveyism in shaping Liberian politics and life during the 1970s. This work was spearheaded by Rev. Clarence W. Harding Jr., a dynamic Chicago-born African American leader, who relocated to Monrovia in 1966 and headed the local division of the Universal Negro Improvement Association (UNIA) until his passing in 1978. Through the local division, and through the Marcus Garvey Memorial Institute, a UNIA-affiliated elementary and secondary school, Harding successfully disseminated the principles of Garveyism widely among working-class and indigenous Liberians living in Monrovia and collaborated with the emergent Movement for Justice in Africa. In tracing Harding’s work in Liberia, the chapter also highlights connections between Liberia and the U.S. Midwest—or what the author has fashioned as the “diasporic Midwest.”
本章考察了加维主义在20世纪70年代塑造利比里亚政治和生活方面未被充分认识的影响。这项工作由小克拉伦斯·w·哈丁牧师(Rev. Clarence W. Harding Jr.)带头,他是一位充满活力的非裔美国人领袖,出生于芝加哥,1966年移居蒙罗维亚,在1978年去世前一直领导着全球黑人改善协会(Universal Negro Improvement Association, UNIA)在当地的分部。通过当地分部和马库斯·加维纪念学院(一所联合国下属的小学和中学),哈丁成功地在居住在蒙罗维亚的工人阶级和利比里亚土著中广泛传播了加维主义的原则,并与新兴的非洲正义运动合作。在追溯哈丁在利比里亚的工作时,本章还强调了利比里亚与美国中西部之间的联系——或者作者所塑造的“散居的中西部”。
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引用次数: 0
Marcus M. Garvey and Joseph A. Craigen Marcus M. Garvey和Joseph A. Craigen
Pub Date : 2019-03-26 DOI: 10.5744/florida/9780813056210.003.0005
Ronald J. Stephens
This chapter explores the clash between global Garveyism and local Garveyism by investigating the practice of Garveyism on the ground. It does so by focusing on the work of Joseph Alexander Craigen, the executive secretary of the Detroit Chapter of the Universal Negro Improvement Association (UNIA) and a leading UNIA official, who maintained a professional relationship with Marcus Garvey from 1919 to 1931, but who was sometimes in disagreement with Garvey’s down- to-earth leadership and management style. It also examines Craigen’s split with Garvey in 1929, and follows Craigen’s career beyond his formal association with the UNIA, both in Detroit and in Idlewild, Michigan. This chapter enables scholars to better understand how the practical operation of the UNIA—despite Garvey’s efforts to establish a clear chain of command—encouraged the creation of local centers of power. By charting Craigen’s post-UNIA career, it also demonstrates the manner in which the mass movement sustained by the UNIA in the United States during the 1920s continued to reverberate in the activities of talented men and women like Craigen who gained a political education in the organization.
本章通过实地考察Garveyism的实践,探讨了全球Garveyism和地方Garveyism之间的冲突。该书通过关注约瑟夫·亚历山大·克雷根(Joseph Alexander Craigen)的工作来做到这一点,他是全球黑人改善协会(UNIA)底特律分会的执行秘书,也是UNIA的主要官员,他在1919年至1931年期间与马库斯·加维(Marcus Garvey)保持着专业关系,但有时与加维的务实领导和管理风格存在分歧。它还考察了克雷根在1929年与加维的分裂,并跟随克雷根在底特律和密歇根州爱德怀尔德与美国大学协会正式合作之后的职业生涯。这一章使学者们能够更好地理解联合国的实际运作——尽管加维努力建立一个明确的指挥链——是如何鼓励地方权力中心的建立的。通过描绘克雷根在UNIA之后的职业生涯,它也展示了在20世纪20年代,美国UNIA所支持的群众运动如何继续在克雷根这样的有才华的人的活动中产生反响,他们在这个组织中接受了政治教育。
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引用次数: 0
Our Joan of Arc 我们的圣女贞德
Pub Date : 2019-03-26 DOI: 10.5744/florida/9780813056210.003.0006
N. Bourbonnais
This chapter uses the Jamaican Garveyite weekly New Negro Voice to examine gender dynamics and gender politics in the Harmony Division of the Universal Negro Improvement Association in the early 1940s. While the UNIA promoted patriarchal structure and binary gender roles, the pages of the New Negro Voice and the meetings of the Harmony Division also provided space for alternative visions of gender roles and critiques of women’s subordination by both female and male Garveyites who valued women’s broader activities outside the home, argued that women’s full equality was pivotal to the future of the race, and praised Jamaican women’s political leadership. Similarly, alongside images of the nurturing, caretaking “race mother” or patriarchal “race man,” the sources highlight other means of status-claiming within the organization that were more gender-neutral, based on a member’s militarism, sense of justice, their level of commitment to the organization, etc. These principles allowed women like Maymie L.T. de Mena Aiken to exercise considerable authority at Liberty Hall and beyond. The complexity of these dynamics are explored in an examination of the debate over birth control, which split the leadership of the Harmony Division among rigid gender lines and tested the flexibility of Garvey’s ideology.
本章使用牙买加的《新黑人之声》周刊来检视1940年代早期,全球黑人改善协会和谐部的性别动态与性别政治。当una提倡父权结构和二元性别角色时,《新黑人之声》的页面和和谐部的会议也为性别角色的不同观点和女性从属地位的批评提供了空间,这些人重视妇女在家庭之外的更广泛的活动,认为妇女的完全平等对种族的未来至关重要,并赞扬牙买加妇女的政治领导能力。同样,除了养育、照顾“种族母亲”或父权“种族男人”的形象外,资料来源还强调了组织内其他更中性的地位主张方式,这些方式基于成员的军国主义、正义感、对组织的承诺程度等。这些原则使得像梅米·l·t·德·梅纳·艾肯这样的女性能够在自由大厅内外行使相当大的权威。这些动态的复杂性在对生育控制辩论的考察中得到了探讨,这场辩论将和谐部的领导层划分为严格的性别界限,并测试了加维意识形态的灵活性。
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引用次数: 1
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Global Garveyism
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