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‘Honey let’s just keep the doors open’: A Critical study on the abrogation of spousal privileged communication in Canada and its implications in criminology “亲爱的,让我们敞开大门吧”:一项关于加拿大配偶特权通信的废除及其在犯罪学上的影响的批判性研究
Pub Date : 2017-07-14 DOI: 10.2139/SSRN.2865792
S. Vashishtha
The doctrine of spousal privileged communication existed in the common law and the Canadian law for centuries until it was abruptly abrogated in the year 2015 by the previous conservative government in light of the victims’ rights movement, without much debate or discussion in the parliament. Communications between spouses (and now partners) were privileged on the ground that they were so closely identified with each other than an aura of bias would surround any testimonial evidence they may present before a court against their partner, due to an inherent or vested interest in the trial. Until 2015, the reason this privileged communication was protected, with some limitations, was due to the preservation of marital harmony. Why was the preservation of marital harmony no more a social value in Canada? I argue that this unfounded and abrupt abrogation was unwarranted and since the same was done without any research, it will have long term implications in criminology. Therefore, this paper has three key aims, firstly, to explore the concept, meaning and the origin of spousal privileged communication in Canada and the commonwealth including the reasons behind safeguarding and fostering spousal relationships over other relationships. Secondly, the applicability and scope of spousal privileged communication in Canada pre and post 2015, i.e. Bill C-32 that abrogated spousal privileged communication in Canada. Chapter 2 will also address some key points that contradicts the intention of the legislature behind abrogating spousal privileged communication. Thirdly, the paper argues that the spousal privileged communication should have been retained, and draws upon evidence from criminological, sociological and legal realms to define four key reasons why this is so. This paper essentially calls for further understanding of the causal mechanisms that flow from the abrogation of this spousal privilege and for monitoring future outcomes through longitudinal studies.
配偶特权通信原则在普通法和加拿大法律中存在了几个世纪,直到2015年,鉴于受害者的权利运动,上一届保守党政府突然废除了这一原则,在议会中没有进行太多辩论或讨论。配偶(现在是伴侣)之间的通信享有特权,因为他们彼此之间的身份非常密切,而不会因为审判中固有的或既得利益而在法庭上对伴侣提出的任何证词证据周围都存在偏见。直到2015年,这种特权通信受到保护的原因是,由于维护婚姻和谐,有一些限制。为什么在加拿大,维护婚姻和谐不再是一种社会价值?我认为这种毫无根据的突然废除是没有根据的,因为同样是在没有任何研究的情况下进行的,它将对犯罪学产生长期影响。因此,本文有三个主要目的:首先,探讨配偶特权通信在加拿大和英联邦的概念、含义和起源,包括保护和促进配偶关系高于其他关系的原因。其次,2015年前后加拿大配偶特权通信的适用性和范围,即废除加拿大配偶特权通信的C-32法案。第二章还将讨论一些与废除配偶特权通信背后的立法意图相矛盾的关键点。第三,本文认为配偶特权通信应该被保留,并从犯罪学、社会学和法律领域的证据来定义为什么这样做的四个关键原因。这篇论文本质上呼吁进一步理解从废除这一配偶特权流动的因果机制,并通过纵向研究监测未来的结果。
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引用次数: 0
Cyber Violence: Towards a Predictive Model Drawing Upon Genetics, Psychology and Neuroscience 网络暴力:基于遗传学、心理学和神经科学的预测模型
Pub Date : 2016-08-25 DOI: 10.1057/978-1-137-52688-5_5
T. Owen
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引用次数: 2
Relativizing Universality: Sociological Reactions to Liberal Universalism 相对化普遍性:对自由普遍主义的社会学反应
Pub Date : 2012-06-03 DOI: 10.2139/SSRN.2123530
M. Horsley
This paper offers an appraisal of the relationship between sociology and philosophy grounded in a critique of the former discipline’s failure to contend with the dominance of neoliberalism in the run up to the financial crisis. In the first instance, it considers the prevailing philosophical ethos after the end of the Cold War and what Francis Fukuyama (1992) called the ‘End of History’. It observes the emergence of an increasingly unchallenged political monad around the conjoined principles of liberal democracy and neoliberal economics and its ascendance to the status of socio-historical universality despite becoming increasingly problematic. The second half of the essay then carries this politicalphilosophical analysis into an exploration of contemporary sociology and its approach to the intellectual critique of dominant ideas and structures. It proposes that an emergent strain of philosophical relativism has inadvertently moved us away from some of the critical responsibilities of the traditional intellectual and eroded our capacity to offer practical alternatives to overwhelmingly neoliberal governance. The article ends on the hopeful note that a slight change in tack might push us toward reclaiming responsibilities and revitalising the debate on social transformation.
本文对社会学和哲学之间的关系进行了评估,其基础是对前一学科在金融危机爆发前未能与新自由主义的主导地位相抗衡的批评。首先,它考虑了冷战结束后盛行的哲学思潮以及弗朗西斯·福山(Francis Fukuyama, 1992)所说的“历史的终结”。它观察到,围绕自由民主和新自由主义经济学的联合原则,出现了一种越来越不受挑战的政治单子,尽管问题越来越多,但它仍上升到了社会历史普遍性的地位。文章的后半部分将这种政治哲学分析带入对当代社会学及其对主流思想和结构的知识批判的探索。它提出,一种新兴的哲学相对主义流派无意中使我们远离了传统知识分子的一些关键责任,并削弱了我们为压倒性的新自由主义治理提供实际替代方案的能力。文章最后充满希望地指出,策略上的轻微改变可能会推动我们重新承担责任,并重振关于社会转型的辩论。
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引用次数: 1
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International journal of criminology and sociological theory
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