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Of Mountains, Rivers, and Oceans: Geographic Effects on Military Expenditures, 1961–2012 山脉、河流和海洋:1961-2012 年军费开支的地域影响
IF 0.4 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-12-19 DOI: 10.1515/ngs-2022-0057
Matthew C. Millard
Abstract While much work has been completed analyzing the role of territory’s effect on conflict. Less work has demonstrated how territory affects military budgets. I argue that a state’s defense spending is subsidized by clearly defined geographic focal points. Using geographic data, I show that states clearly defined by rivers and oceans spend less money on defense budgets as a proportion of GDP because the prospects of conflict are lower and internal social cohesion is higher, decreasing the need for large standing militaries for repression/expansion/defense. I contend that this effect is exogenous to threat. On the other hand, more mountainous states should spend more on defense due to increased costs of defense and decreased sense of identity among local populations. Situating this debate within the state development literature helps us answer important questions regarding state formation/consolidation and peaceful interactions with neighbors.
摘要 虽然已经完成了许多分析领土对冲突的影响的工作。但证明领土如何影响军事预算的研究较少。我认为,一个国家的国防开支会受到明确界定的地理焦点的补贴。通过使用地理数据,我证明了由河流和海洋明确界定的国家,其国防预算支出占国内生产总值的比例较低,因为冲突的可能性较低,内部社会凝聚力较高,从而减少了对用于镇压/扩张/防御的大型常备军的需求。我认为,这种效应是威胁的外生效应。另一方面,由于国防成本增加和当地居民认同感降低,山地较多的国家应在国防上投入更多。将这一争论置于国家发展文献中,有助于我们回答有关国家形成/巩固以及与邻国和平互动的重要问题。
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引用次数: 0
Peter H. Russell. Sovereignty: The Biography of a Claim. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2021. 192pp. ISBN: 978–1487509095. $29.25 hardcover 彼得·h·罗素。主权:一项主张的传记。多伦多:多伦多大学出版社,2021。192页。ISBN: 978 - 1487509095。29.25美元的精装书
Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-09-28 DOI: 10.1515/ngs-2023-0033
Lauren E. Eastwood
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引用次数: 0
Theodor Tudoroiu. Globalizations from Below: The Normative Power of the World Social Forum, Ant Traders, Chinese Migrants, and Levantine Cosmopolitanism. New York: Routledge, 2023. 378pp. ISBN: 978–1032323718. £130.00 hardcover 西奥多·Tudoroiu。《自下而上的全球化:世界社会论坛、蚂蚁贸易商、中国移民和黎凡特世界主义的规范力量》。纽约:劳特利奇出版社,2023。378页。ISBN: 978 - 1032323718。£130.00精装
Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-09-25 DOI: 10.1515/ngs-2023-0010
Ioana Pantilimon
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引用次数: 0
Compradors of China’s Global Power: The Colonialization of Hungarian and Nicaraguan Academia through Anti-imperialist Tropes 中国全球力量的买办:匈牙利和尼加拉瓜学术界反帝的殖民化
Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-09-25 DOI: 10.1515/ngs-2022-0056
Daniel Palm
Abstract Literature discussing imperialism and neo-colonial practices focuses on the alleged power of the West and/or the United States, as well as global neoliberalism. This article argues that neo-colonial knowledge production in the autocratizing regimes of Hungary and Nicaragua reflects the rising importance of China. It shows how both governments seek to set forth new schools of thought suiting their worldview. The People’s Republic of China serves as a narrative fix point for legitimizing dissociative diplomatic agendas via comprador academics supported by their government. In what is presented as changing global orders, China joins Russia as a new counterweight to the presupposed U.S. hegemonic and liberal interests. Besides advocating for new partners in the East, compradors colonializing academia argue for the distinctive needs of their respective nations represented by the government. Interviews, publications, and news reports allow one to reconstruct their colonialization efforts to support such nationalist narratives on China’s rise as a global power.
讨论帝国主义和新殖民主义实践的文献侧重于所谓的西方和/或美国的权力,以及全球新自由主义。本文认为,匈牙利和尼加拉瓜独裁政权的新殖民主义知识生产反映了中国日益上升的重要性。它显示了两国政府如何寻求建立适合其世界观的新思想流派。通过政府支持的买办学者,中华人民共和国成为使离间外交议程合法化的叙事固定点。在不断变化的全球秩序中,中国加入了俄罗斯的行列,成为美国霸权和自由主义利益的新制衡力量。除了提倡在东方寻找新的合作伙伴,殖民学术界的买办还主张以政府为代表的各自国家的独特需求。采访、出版物和新闻报道使人们能够重建他们的殖民努力,以支持这种关于中国崛起为全球大国的民族主义叙事。
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引用次数: 0
Introduction: The Global 1970s from a History of Emotions Perspective 导言:从情感史的角度看全球的20世纪70年代
IF 0.4 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-08-08 DOI: 10.1515/ngs-2023-0020
Rukmini Barua, Caroline Moine, Alexandra Oberländer, J. Wambach
Abstract The 1970s have been identified through a range of emotional markers. This special issue critically analyzes the emotional history of this decade through a global perspective. In doing so, the contributions in this issue consider the different registers and scales at which emotions were experienced, perceived, and discussed. Drawing on discussions of gay liberation struggles in Latin America, decolonial movements in Palestine, the New International Economic Order, the North American Left, and forms of post-imperialist belonging in New Zealand and Australia, we detail how new emotional communities were produced and how distinct emotionalities were shaped in conjunction with shifting global politics.
20世纪70年代是通过一系列情感标记来确定的。本期特刊以全球视角批判性地分析了这十年的情感历史。在此过程中,本问题中的贡献考虑了体验,感知和讨论情绪的不同寄存器和尺度。通过讨论拉丁美洲的同性恋解放斗争、巴勒斯坦的去殖民运动、新国际经济秩序、北美左翼,以及新西兰和澳大利亚的后帝国主义归属形式,我们详细介绍了新的情感社区是如何产生的,以及不同的情感是如何与不断变化的全球政治相结合而形成的。
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引用次数: 0
The Effects of the COVID-19 Outbreak on the Global Retail Industry: An Event Study Approach 新冠肺炎疫情对全球零售业的影响:事件研究方法
IF 0.4 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-08-04 DOI: 10.1515/ngs-2022-0043
R. A. Kucukcolak, N. I. Kucukcolak, Askim Nurdan Tumbek Tekeoglu, Sami Kucukoglu
Abstract In this study, we examined the COVID-19 effect in the global scale on the global retail markets with the Event Study methodology. The sample used in the study consists of data from 10 developed and developing countries in six continents, which are obtained from Reuters DataStream. The top large-cap, blue-chip companies in the stock market for each economies were included in the study, which is totaled of 91 active retail sector shares and major indices. Based on our findings; the cumulative average of abnormal returns (CAAR) of the retailers in three Event Studies in question showed a distortion in the efficiency of the formation of the retail prices at the 0.01, 0.01, and 0.05 significance levels and the global retail stock prices overreacted more.
在本研究中,我们采用事件研究方法研究了COVID-19在全球范围内对全球零售市场的影响。研究中使用的样本包括来自六大洲10个发达国家和发展中国家的数据,这些数据来自路透社数据流。每个经济体股市中排名最高的大型蓝筹股公司都被纳入了这项研究,该研究总共包括91只活跃的零售行业股票和主要指数。根据我们的发现;在三个事件研究中,零售商的累积平均异常收益(CAAR)在0.01、0.01和0.05的显著水平上显示出零售价格形成效率的扭曲,全球零售股票价格反应过度。
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引用次数: 0
Emotional Audiences? From Dispassion to Anger in Elite Palestinian Political Discourse, 1930s–1970s 情感观众?20世纪30 - 70年代巴勒斯坦精英政治话语中的冷静到愤怒
IF 0.4 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-07-31 DOI: 10.1515/ngs-2022-0052
L. Robson
Abstract In the thirty years of British occupation before 1948, elite Palestinian spokesmen understood emotion as a fundamentally ineffective mode of political engagement vis-à-vis a perceived audience of European colonial diplomats. After the nakba, though, as writers like Qustantin Zurayk and ‘Arif al-‘Arif tried to make sense of its traumatic upheavals to new iterations of regional audiences, expressions of emotion began to make new appearances alongside such writings’ abstract appeal to rights. In the 1960s, and particularly after the war of 1967, emotional expression began to take on a rather different valence as writers like Ghassan Kanafani came to understand emotion, and especially the expression of an abstract form of decolonial anger, as a key way to connect with other global audiences and thereby buttress external support for Palestinian political demands. This article, then, seeks to explore changes in the emotional content of Palestinian nationalist literature, and especially the increased rhetorical presence of expressions of anger, as reflections of changes in what we might think of (in a gloss on Barbara Rosenwein’s crucial notion of emotional communities) as “emotional audiences.”
在1948年之前英国占领的30年里,巴勒斯坦精英发言人将情感理解为一种根本无效的政治参与模式,对-à-vis欧洲殖民外交官的感知受众。然而,在浩劫之后,Qustantin Zurayk和“阿里夫-阿里夫”(Arif al- Arif)等作家试图向新一代的地区读者解释浩劫带来的创伤性动荡,情感的表达开始与这些作品对权利的抽象诉求一起出现。在20世纪60年代,尤其是1967年战争之后,情感表达开始呈现出相当不同的价值,因为像加桑·卡纳法尼(Ghassan Kanafani)这样的作家开始理解情感,尤其是抽象形式的非殖民化愤怒的表达,作为与其他全球受众联系的关键方式,从而加强了对巴勒斯坦政治要求的外部支持。因此,本文试图探索巴勒斯坦民族主义文学中情感内容的变化,尤其是愤怒表达的日益增加的修辞存在,作为我们可能认为(在对芭芭拉·罗森韦恩(Barbara Rosenwein)关于情感社区的关键概念的解释中)“情感受众”变化的反映。
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引用次数: 0
Review of Jonathan Alter, His Very Best: Jimmy Carter, a Life, Kai Bird, the Outlier: The Unfinished Presidency of Jimmy Carter, Stuart E. Eizenstat, President Carter: The White House Years, and Rick Perlstein, Reaganland 书评:乔纳森·奥尔特,《他最好的作品:吉米·卡特的一生》,凯·伯德,《局外人:吉米·卡特未完成的总统任期》,斯图尔特·e·艾森斯塔特,《卡特总统:白宫岁月》,里克·珀尔斯坦,里根兰
IF 0.4 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-07-31 DOI: 10.1515/ngs-2023-0023
Angus Reilly
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引用次数: 0
The End of Irony. Emotions and Criticism of Capitalism in the United States in the Global 1970s 讽刺的终结。20世纪70年代美国资本主义的情绪与批判
IF 0.4 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-07-24 DOI: 10.1515/ngs-2022-0053
M. Cottier
Abstract The aim of this article is to explore an emotional divide within the critical discourse on capitalism in the United States in the period from the late 1950s to the 1970s. By using the examples of John Kenneth Galbraith and Robert Lekachman, the article shows how an older generation of liberal economists used irony and sarcasm to create an air of emotional distance and disengagement between the critic and the subject at hand. This mode corresponded with the emotional regime of “American cool.” In the late 1960s, however, a younger generation of radical economists started to intervene. The rhetoric of this group was distinctively more emotional. Although the younger generation of radicals, like the older liberals, mostly belonged to the white middle class, the new global identity made it possible to overcome the emotional restraints of “American cool” and enabled the use of emotions and affectedness as a discursive tool in the fight for social and economic justice at home. Yet, the fact that the radical emotionality was linked to the hope for revolutionary change made it difficult to make compromises and agree to less radical reforms.
摘要本文旨在探讨20世纪50年代末至70年代美国资本主义批判话语中的情感分歧。文章以约翰·肯尼斯·加尔布雷思(John Kenneth Galbraith)和罗伯特·勒卡奇曼(Robert Lekachman。这种模式与“美国酷”的情绪机制相对应。然而,在20世纪60年代末,年轻一代的激进经济学家开始干预。这群人的言辞明显更富于感情色彩。尽管年轻一代的激进分子和年长的自由主义者一样,大多属于白人中产阶级,但新的全球身份使其有可能克服“美国酷”的情感约束,并使情感和做作成为在国内争取社会和经济正义的话语工具。然而,激进的情绪与革命性变革的希望联系在一起,这一事实使得人们很难做出妥协,也很难同意不那么激进的改革。
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引用次数: 0
Between Panic and Feelings of Empowerment: Emotional Reactions to the First Oil Crisis and the Debate About a New International Economic Order 在恐慌和赋权感之间:对第一次石油危机的情绪反应和关于国际经济新秩序的辩论
IF 0.4 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-07-20 DOI: 10.1515/ngs-2022-0055
Jonas Kreienbaum
Abstract The 1973/74 oil crisis, comprising an Arab oil embargo targeting Western industrialized states and the quadrupling of global oil prices by OPEC, was followed by a major international debate on the establishment of a New International Economic Order in the years to come. This debate not only made it to the top of the international agenda given certain emotional reactions to and perceptions of the first oil crisis in different groups of countries: The successful oil revolution, as it was called by Arab elites, nurtured a sense of empowerment among OPEC representatives while it triggered fears among Western governments, making them more willing to listen to OPEC demands. At the same time, both oil and non-oil developing countries professed a strong feeling of solidarity allowing them to formulate a shared program of economic decolonization. It was exactly these emotional reactions to the oil crisis that enabled the conflict over the New International Economic Order to become such a prominent feature of the decade. Thus, the oil revolution was a game changer without which the North-South debate would have remained on the sidelines.
摘要1973/74年的石油危机,包括阿拉伯对西方工业化国家的石油禁运和欧佩克将全球石油价格翻了四番,之后是关于在未来几年建立新的国际经济秩序的重大国际辩论。鉴于不同国家集团对第一次石油危机的某些情绪反应和看法,这场辩论不仅成为国际议程的首要议题:阿拉伯精英所称的成功的石油革命在欧佩克代表中培养了一种赋权感,同时也引发了西方政府的担忧,使他们更愿意听取欧佩克的要求。与此同时,石油和非石油发展中国家都表现出强烈的团结感,使它们能够制定一项共同的经济非殖民化计划。正是这些对石油危机的情绪反应,使围绕国际经济新秩序的冲突成为这十年的一个突出特点。因此,石油革命是一个游戏规则的改变者,如果没有它,南北辩论将处于次要地位。
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引用次数: 0
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New Global Studies
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