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Slave Traders by Invitation最新文献

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Historiography, Sources and Epistemology 史学、来源与认识论
Pub Date : 2018-08-01 DOI: 10.1093/OSO/9780190876104.003.0003
F. Fuglestad
Apart from a discussion of the voluminous historiography (due in part to the fascination with the reputedly despotic and tyrannical Dahomey), this chapter addresses the central problem of the abundant but biased – because mainly European – sources. The second problem the chapter addresses is how to write African history with an inadequate Eurocentric conceptual framework, but the only one available so far. Finally, it looks at how the focus on Dahomey has resulted in a somewhat imbalanced historiography. A problem apart is constituted by the oral traditions; in many cases they serve as propaganda, but they provide valuable information about the world outlook, beliefs and fabric of the relevant societies.
除了讨论大量的史学(部分原因是对据说的专制和暴虐的达荷美着迷),本章还讨论了丰富但有偏见的中心问题,因为主要是欧洲的来源。本章讨论的第二个问题是,如何用一个不充分的、但迄今为止唯一可用的以欧洲为中心的概念框架来书写非洲历史。最后,它探讨了对达荷美的关注是如何导致了一种不平衡的历史编纂。一个问题是由口头传统构成的;在许多情况下,它们起到宣传作用,但它们提供了有关有关社会的世界观、信仰和结构的宝贵信息。
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引用次数: 0
The 1680s–1720s 1680年代- 1720年代
Pub Date : 2018-08-01 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780190876104.003.0013
F. Fuglestad
The chapter attempts to provide a bird’s eye overview of the period in question. It details the strong rivalry between the Europeans in this period of intense slave-trading, due in part to the arrival of the French (linked to the War of the Spanish Succession, 1702–1714). The rivalry was heightened by the strengthened position of the Portuguese/Brazilians, thanks to Brazilian gold and the famous third-grade tobacco. This climate of rivalry on the European side exacerbated internal tensions among the Africans, and among the main polities: Allada, Hueda (increasingly independent of Allada), Dahomey, but also Glidji and even Akwamu, both of whom tried their luck at times on the Central Slave Coast. One important outcome was the famous treaty of 1703 (to 1794) which guaranteed the neutrality of the “port” of Ouidah-Glehue, converting that place into a safe haven, and triggering the rapid development of the town of Ouidah.
这一章试图对所讨论的时期提供一个鸟瞰式的概述。它详细描述了欧洲人之间的激烈竞争,在这个激烈的奴隶贸易时期,部分原因是法国人的到来(与1702-1714年西班牙王位继承战争有关)。由于巴西的黄金和著名的三等烟草,葡萄牙人和巴西人的地位得到加强,竞争更加激烈。这种欧洲一方的竞争气氛加剧了非洲人之间的内部紧张局势,也加剧了主要政体之间的紧张局势:阿拉达、韦达(越来越独立于阿拉达)、达荷美,还有格列吉,甚至阿克瓦穆,这两个国家都曾在中央奴隶海岸试过运气。一个重要的成果是著名的1703年(至1794年)条约,该条约保证了乌伊达-格列休“港口”的中立性,将那里变成了一个安全的避风港,并引发了乌伊达镇的快速发展。
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引用次数: 0
The Dramatic and Decisive 1720S 戏剧性和决定性的1720年代
Pub Date : 2018-08-01 DOI: 10.1093/OSO/9780190876104.003.0014
F. Fuglestad
From 1724, dramatic changes took place on the Slave Coast, with the Dahomean conquests of Allada (1724–6) and Hueda/ Ouidah-Glehue in 1727-30/33. It was, all told, a tremendously bloody affair. But those conquests did not go unchallenged; they provoked the intervention of the mighty northern (and Yoruba) polity of Oyo – not quite a newcomer on the local scene, since Oyo had since exported a considerable number of slaves through the Slave Coast. The redoubtable cavalry of Oyo inflicted an apparently shattering defeat on Dahomey in April 1726. Oyo had defeated Dahomey several times but was never able to conquer that polity, and the Dahomeans emerged apparently unscathed each time from the assaults of Oyo. Dahomey had, however, to become a vassal of Oyo and to pay a heavy tribute. Dahomey had also to face slightly later the surprisingly tough resistance of the exiled Huedans who had found refuge in the west. For the Europeans it was a dangerous time; those who opted for what turned out to be the “wrong” side at a particular moment, paid for this error with their lives.
从1724年开始,奴隶海岸发生了戏剧性的变化,达霍曼征服了阿拉达(1724 - 176)和韦达/韦达-格列休(1727- 1730 / 1733)。总之,这是一场极其血腥的事件。但这些征服并非一帆风顺;他们引发了强大的北方(和约鲁巴)奥约政权的干预——奥约在当地并不是一个新手,因为奥约已经通过奴隶海岸出口了相当数量的奴隶。令人敬畏的奥约骑兵在1726年4月对达荷美进行了明显的惨败。奥约曾多次击败达荷美,但从未能够征服这个政体,而达荷美人似乎每次都能毫发无损地从奥约的攻击中逃脱。然而,达荷美不得不成为奥约的附庸,并交纳沉重的贡品。不久之后,达荷美还不得不面对流亡到西方避难的Huedans出人意料的顽强抵抗。对欧洲人来说,这是一个危险的时期;那些在特定时刻选择了“错误”一方的人,为这个错误付出了生命的代价。
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引用次数: 0
Convulsions Further West 西部地区的动荡
Pub Date : 2018-08-01 DOI: 10.1093/OSO/9780190876104.003.0012
F. Fuglestad
The chapter seeks to map what happened west of Allada/Dahomey, on the Western or “Little” (peripheral) Slave Coast. It was conditioned in part by occurrences on the Gold Coast – the center of the European presence in West Africa – among the Twi-speaking Akan. The central event is the conquest on the Eastern Gold Coast of the Ga-Adangbe of Accra by Akwamu in 1677–82. It sent waves of refugees into the Western Slave Coast. Many of these Ga-Adangbe refugees supported themselves as bandits and mercenaries, putting pressure on the local Ewe population. In the region of Aneho-Little Popo the refugees turned into conquerors and established the polity of Glidji which held uneasy relations with Grand Popo. The impact of all this remained fairly limited and the interest of the Europeans remained equally limited. An unresolved question is to what extent and how Akwamu dabbled in the affairs of the Western Slave Coast.
本章试图描绘阿拉达/达荷美以西,西部或“小”(外围)奴隶海岸发生的事情。这在一定程度上是受黄金海岸——欧洲在西非的中心——讲特威语的阿坎人的影响。中心事件是阿克瓦穆在1677年至1682年征服了东部黄金海岸的阿克拉的Ga-Adangbe。它把一波又一波的难民送进了西部奴隶海岸。这些加阿丹贝难民中有许多人以土匪和雇佣兵的身份为生,给当地的伊维族人带来了压力。在Aneho-Little Popo地区,难民变成了征服者,建立了Glidji政体,与大Popo保持着不稳定的关系。所有这一切的影响仍然相当有限,欧洲人的利益也同样有限。一个尚未解决的问题是,阿克瓦穆涉足西部奴隶海岸事务的程度和方式。
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引用次数: 0
The Slave Coast 奴隶海岸
Pub Date : 2018-08-01 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780190876104.003.0002
F. Fuglestad
Apart from the Yoruba in the east and the north, most people of the Slave Coast spoke the Gbe language. The author briefly touches upon the debate about Gbe ‘language’ or ‘languages’, arguing that the people of the Slave Coast spoke ‘what is basically the same language’. There was considerable ethnic diversity. The region corresponds to the Benin Gap – a savanna-type vegetation in what is basically a rainforest zone. It was, above all, an amphibian region with an abundance of lagoons, lakes, rivers and swamplands.
除了东部和北部的约鲁巴人外,奴隶海岸的大多数人都说Gbe语。作者简要地提到了关于“语言”或“语言”的争论,认为奴隶海岸的人们说的“基本上是同一种语言”。那里有相当多的种族多样性。该地区与贝宁峡谷相对应,这是一种热带草原类型的植被,基本上是热带雨林。最重要的是,它是一个拥有大量泻湖、湖泊、河流和沼泽的两栖动物地区。
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引用次数: 0
Near Disaster 附近的灾难
Pub Date : 2018-08-01 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780190876104.003.0016
F. Fuglestad
Tegbesu, king of Dahomey (1740–74), found himself at the helm of a polity on the brink of implosion and was also faced with formidable external foes. He managed to wade through by accentuating the regime of terror, possibly establishing something akin to a “totalitarian” state, complete with internal purges. Dahomey’s enemies (Oyo, the exiled Huedans, Glidji etc.) were unable to coordinate their efforts. The relationship with (and between) the Europeans remained strained, provoking their slow disentanglement. But Tegbesu did try to mend his relations with the Portuguese-Brazilians, even sending the first of what turned out to be many Dahomean embassies to the viceroy in Brazil.
达荷美国王特格贝苏(1740-74)发现自己掌舵的政体处于内部崩溃的边缘,还面临着强大的外部敌人。他设法通过强调恐怖政权,可能建立类似于“极权主义”国家的东西,完成内部清洗来度过难关。达荷美的敌人(奥约、被流放的Huedans、Glidji等)无法协调他们的努力。美国与欧洲人的关系(以及欧洲人与欧洲人之间的关系)依然紧张,促使他们缓慢地摆脱纠缠。但特格贝苏确实试图修复与葡巴关系,甚至向巴西总督派遣了第一批达荷曼大使馆,后来又派出了许多使领馆。
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引用次数: 0
More About the Tegbesu Era 更多关于Tegbesu时代
Pub Date : 2018-08-01 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780190876104.003.0017
F. Fuglestad
Tegbesu tried to get around his problem of legitimacy by manipulating the ideological-religious sphere. In particular, he promoted the cult of Mawu-Liisa, the Supreme Deity, and tried to link it to the monarchy. But the evidence seems to indicate that the internal opposition, as symbolized by the formally outlawed divinities of the “owners of the land”, especially Sakpata, continued to be significant. If the beginnings of the bocio art (grotesque sculptures of fury), can be attributed to this period, then we might say that we are confronted with a society which suffered from a collective trauma. It is possible that all the members of that society were actually slaves of the king. As for the wider geopolitical picture, we note the increasing importance of the Eastern Slave Coast, due in part to the policy of Oyo. And on the Western Slave Coast, the Danes and especially the new mighty Asante empire of the Gold Coast began to make their impact felt, whether directly or indirectly.
Tegbesu试图通过操纵意识形态-宗教领域来解决他的合法性问题。特别是,他提倡对至高无上的神Mawu-Liisa的崇拜,并试图将其与君主制联系起来。但证据似乎表明,内部的反对,象征着正式非法的“土地所有者”的神,特别是萨帕塔,继续是重要的。如果波西奥艺术(愤怒的怪诞雕塑)的起源可以归因于这一时期,那么我们可以说我们面对的是一个遭受集体创伤的社会。有可能那个社会的所有成员实际上都是国王的奴隶。至于更广泛的地缘政治图景,我们注意到东部奴隶海岸的重要性日益增加,部分原因是奥约的政策。在西部奴隶海岸,丹麦人,尤其是黄金海岸的新强大的阿散蒂帝国,开始产生直接或间接的影响。
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引用次数: 0
The Database and the Slave Trade from the Slave Coast 来自奴隶海岸的数据库和奴隶贸易
Pub Date : 2018-08-01 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780190876104.003.0007
F. Fuglestad
The monumental Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade database has its limitations. It tells us, however, that of the 12 million (or more) slaves embarked from Africa for America, around 2 million (or more) came from the Slave Coast. Between 1696 and 1730 – that is, before the rise of Dahomey – one-third of all slaves came from the Slave Coast, which was then the leading African supplier. But under Dahomey, and much to the dismay of the new rulers, that coast lost its predominant position. A relative decline set in, as the heavy-handed methods of the new masters of the coast turned out to be counterproductive.
庞大的跨大西洋奴隶贸易数据库有其局限性。然而,它告诉我们,在从非洲乘船前往美洲的1200万(或更多)奴隶中,大约有200万(或更多)来自奴隶海岸。在1696年至1730年间,也就是在达荷美兴起之前,三分之一的奴隶来自奴隶海岸,那里当时是非洲主要的奴隶供应地。但在达荷美统治下,令新统治者非常沮丧的是,这个海岸失去了它的主导地位。随着沿海新主人的高压手段被证明是适得其反,一种相对的衰落开始了。
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Slave Traders by Invitation
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