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God, Country, and Anita Bryant: Women’s Leadership and the Politics of the New Christian Right 上帝、国家和安妮塔·布莱恩特:妇女的领导和新基督教右翼的政治
IF 0.4 3区 哲学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2018-06-18 DOI: 10.1525/rac.2018.28.2.238
E. Johnson
Abstract As a new cohort of religious conservatives became major players in U.S. political discourse during the 1970s and 1980s, they expressed ambivalence about the political realm and often represented their religious motivations as simultaneously separate from politics and as justification for their political activism. Prominent conservative evangelical women drew on this ambivalence in specifically gendered ways, referencing their religious commitments as well as their roles as mothers, which they asserted both compelled them to speak out on political issues, and proved that these issues were not fundamentally political. Building on scholarship about women’s grassroots support in conservative movements, this article underscores the importance of women’s national leadership in the New Christian Right. It focuses on the career of singerturned- activist Anita Bryant, who offers a particularly instructive example due to her public and explicit transformation from representative symbol of American motherhood to outspoken political activist in the late 1970s. Within the context of a flourishing evangelical subculture and shifting political landscape, Bryant’s negotiations of her political authority exemplify conservative evangelical women’s ways of understanding their leadership in support of a platform that emphasized women’s domestic roles. It demonstrates how they invoked an existing tension between religious and political identification to expand the ideology of “traditional gender roles” without overstepping its bounds. More broadly, Bryant’s career offers insight into the importance of women’s national leadership in framing the rhetoric and priorities of the New Christian Right, including its central emphases on gender and its relationship with contemporary feminist movements.
在20世纪70年代和80年代,一群新的宗教保守派成为美国政治话语的主要参与者,他们表达了对政治领域的矛盾心理,并经常将他们的宗教动机与政治分开,并将其作为政治活动的理由。杰出的保守福音派女性以特定的性别方式利用了这种矛盾心理,引用了她们的宗教信仰和母亲的角色,她们声称这两者都迫使她们在政治问题上发表意见,并证明这些问题从根本上讲不是政治问题。本文以有关妇女在保守运动中的基层支持的学术研究为基础,强调了妇女在新基督教右翼中的国家领导地位的重要性。它聚焦于歌手转型为活动家的安妮塔·布莱恩特的职业生涯,她提供了一个特别有启发性的例子,因为她在20世纪70年代末从美国母亲的代表性象征公开而明确地转变为直言不讳的政治活动家。在蓬勃发展的福音派亚文化和不断变化的政治格局的背景下,布莱恩特对自己政治权威的谈判体现了保守的福音派女性理解她们的领导方式,以支持一个强调女性家庭角色的平台。它展示了他们如何利用宗教和政治认同之间存在的紧张关系,在不超越其界限的情况下扩大“传统性别角色”的意识形态。更广泛地说,布莱恩特的职业生涯提供了洞察妇女国家领导在构建新基督教右翼的修辞和优先事项方面的重要性,包括其对性别的核心强调及其与当代女权主义运动的关系。
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引用次数: 0
“Termites in the Temple”: Fundamentalism and Anti-Liberal Politics in the Post–World War II South “寺庙里的白蚁”:二战后南方的原教旨主义和反自由主义政治
IF 0.4 3区 哲学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2018-06-18 DOI: 10.1525/rac.2018.28.2.167
E. Fones-Wolf, K. Fones-wolf
Abstract From 1946 to 1950, East Tennessee was embroiled in a bitter campaign over the radio preacher and evangelist, J. Harold Smith. More than a curiosity, this confrontation helps us understand a much broader struggle that cut deeply through American society in the post-World War II era. It was a conflict that grew out of a conservative political effort to roll back the New Deal, the union-led regime of collective bargaining, and the tide of modernist religion. These issues overlapped with concerns about African-American equality and the Soviet Union’s threat to the nation’s security. Although recent scholarship has revealed the symbiotic relationship between postwar evangelicalism and free-enterprise ideology, we know little about how and why that message resonated for many middling and working-class individuals. Fortunately, supporters of Smith’s radio program wrote thousands of letters that illuminate what normally anonymous people were thinking about God, society, and politics in the postwar years. In this paper, we use the events in Knoxville as a window into the broader contest over religion and politics in postwar America. Smith’s struggle in Knoxville occurred during an especially tumultuous time in the South. As such, it reveals one regional context for the unsettling political changes and religious conflicts that were occurring nationally. Finally, a study of the responses of Smith’s supporters affords a rare opportunity to analyze one base of postwar fundamentalism and what drew them to the politics and theology of men like J. Harold Smith.
从1946年到1950年,东田纳西州卷入了一场针对广播布道者和福音传道者j·哈罗德·史密斯的激烈运动。这种对抗不仅仅是一种好奇,它还帮助我们理解了二战后深刻贯穿美国社会的一场更广泛的斗争。这场冲突源于保守的政治努力,目的是推翻罗斯福新政、工会领导的集体谈判制度和现代主义宗教的潮流。这些问题与对非裔美国人平等和苏联对国家安全的威胁的担忧重叠。虽然最近的学术研究揭示了战后福音主义和自由企业意识形态之间的共生关系,但我们对这种信息如何以及为什么会在许多中产阶级和工人阶级中产生共鸣知之甚少。幸运的是,史密斯电台节目的支持者们写了数千封信,阐明了那些通常默默无闻的人在战后对上帝、社会和政治的看法。在本文中,我们将诺克斯维尔事件作为一个窗口,来观察战后美国更广泛的宗教和政治之争。史密斯在诺克斯维尔的斗争发生在南方特别动荡的时期。因此,它揭示了在全国范围内发生的令人不安的政治变化和宗教冲突的一个区域背景。最后,对史密斯支持者的回应的研究提供了一个难得的机会来分析战后原教旨主义的一个基础,以及是什么吸引了他们对j·哈罗德·史密斯这样的人的政治和神学感兴趣。
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引用次数: 1
Bureau Clergyman: How the FBI Colluded with an African American Televangelist to Destroy Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. 联邦调查局牧师:联邦调查局如何与非裔美国电视布道家勾结,以摧毁马丁·路德·金博士。
IF 0.4 3区 哲学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2018-06-18 DOI: 10.1525/RAC.2018.28.1.1
Lerone A. Martin
Abstract This article explains how the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) partnered with African American minister Elder Lightfoot Solomon Michaux to discredit and neutralize Reverend Martin Luther King Jr. The Elder, the nation's first minister (black or white) to have his own weekly television show, colluded with the Bureau to shape public opinion against King and cast doubt upon King's religious commitments and activities. Michaux was, what I call, a Bureau Clergyman: a minister who was an FBI “Special Service Contact” or on the Bureau's “Special Correspondents Lists.” Far from secret informants, black and white male clergy in these official Bureau programs enjoyed very public and cooperative relationships with the FBI and were occasionally “called into service” to work in concert with the FBI. The FBI called upon Michaux and he willingly used his status, popular media ministry, and cold war spirituality to publically scandalize King as a communist and defend the Bureau against King's criticisms. In the end, the Elder demonized King, contested calls for black equality under the law, and lionized the FBI as the keeper of Christian America. The story moves the field beyond the very well known narratives of the FBI's hostility towards religion and reveals how the Bureau publicly embraced religion and commissioned their clergymen to help maintain prevailing social arrangements. Michaux's relationship with the FBI also offers a window into the overlooked religious dimensions of the FBI's opposition to King, even as it highlights how black clergy articulated and followed competing ideologies of black liberation during the civil rights movement.
本文解释了美国联邦调查局(FBI)如何与非裔牧师Lightfoot Solomon Michaux长老合作,诋毁和中立马丁·路德·金牧师。这位长老是美国第一位拥有自己每周电视节目的部长(黑人或白人),他与FBI勾结,形成反对金的公众舆论,并对金的宗教承诺和活动产生怀疑。我把米肖称为“调查局牧师”:他是联邦调查局的“特别服务联系人”或“特别通讯员名单”上的牧师。这些官方项目中的黑人和白人男性神职人员远非秘密线人,他们与联邦调查局有着非常公开和合作的关系,偶尔也会被“召入服务”,与联邦调查局协同工作。联邦调查局召见了米肖,他心甘情愿地利用自己的地位、大众媒体部门和冷战精神,公开指责金是共产主义者,并为联邦调查局辩护,反对金的批评。最后,长老妖魔化了马丁·路德·金,反对黑人在法律下平等的呼吁,并将联邦调查局奉为基督教美国的守护者。这个故事超越了众所周知的联邦调查局对宗教的敌意,揭示了该局如何公开接受宗教,并委托他们的神职人员帮助维持主流的社会安排。米肖与联邦调查局的关系也为我们提供了一扇窗口,让我们了解联邦调查局反对马丁·路德·金的过程中被忽视的宗教层面,尽管它强调了黑人神职人员在民权运动期间是如何表达和遵循相互竞争的黑人解放意识形态的。
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引用次数: 7
RAC volume 28 issue 1 Cover and Front matter RAC第28卷第1期封面和封面问题
IF 0.4 3区 哲学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2018-06-18 DOI: 10.1017/s1052115100003822
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引用次数: 0
RAC volume 28 issue 2 Cover and Back matter RAC第28卷第2期封面和封底
IF 0.4 3区 哲学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2018-06-18 DOI: 10.1017/s1052115100004189
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引用次数: 0
Contesting Civil Religion: Religious Responses to American Patriotic Nationalism, 1919-1929 公民宗教之争:1919-1929年美国爱国民族主义的宗教反应
IF 0.4 3区 哲学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2018-06-18 DOI: 10.1525/RAC.2018.28.1.92
Michael Lienesch
Abstract Since the publication fifty years ago of Robert N. Bellah's classic article “Civil Religion in America,” the concept of civil religion has provoked continuing debates among scholars who study religion and American culture. This essay is a contribution to these debates and an attempt to move beyond them. It considers American civil religion as theory and as practice, examining its meaning through an investigation of how it functioned at an important and too little studied point in its past. Arguing that civil religion is both a cultural and a political construct, it shows how at the close of World War I, a loosely linked network of civic, military, and patriotic groups came together to create a sacralized form of patriotic nationalism and incorporate it into the American civil religious tradition. Contending that the relationships between civil religion and more conventional forms of organized religion are often close and at times contentious, it examines how religious bodies of the time were instrumental in supporting this process and intractable in resisting it. Proposing that civil religion can come in a variety of sometimes competing versions, it discusses the conflicts over civil religious practices that ensued within American churches during the next decade, relying on reports from the time to describe how these conflicts divided church leaders, denominations, and congregations. Finally, working from the premise that civil religious beliefs, symbols, and rituals are invariably involved in the political process, it examines how they became increasingly used for partisan purposes over the course of the decade, raising issues about the relationship between church and state. In closing, it comments on the enduring character of civil religion, and speculates on its continuing importance for American religion and politics.
自从50年前罗伯特·n·贝拉的经典文章《美国的公民宗教》发表以来,公民宗教的概念在研究宗教和美国文化的学者中引发了持续的争论。这篇文章是对这些争论的一种贡献,并试图超越它们。它将美国公民宗教视为理论和实践,通过调查它在过去一个重要而又很少被研究的点上是如何运作的,来审视它的意义。它认为公民宗教既是一种文化结构,也是一种政治结构,它展示了在第一次世界大战结束时,一个由公民、军事和爱国团体组成的松散联系网络如何聚集在一起,创造了一种神圣的爱国民族主义形式,并将其纳入美国公民宗教传统。认为民间宗教和更传统形式的有组织宗教之间的关系往往是密切的,有时是有争议的,它研究了当时的宗教团体如何在支持这一过程中发挥重要作用,如何在抵制这一过程中发挥棘手的作用。它提出公民宗教可以有各种各样的版本,有时是相互竞争的,它讨论了在接下来的十年里,美国教会内部发生的关于公民宗教实践的冲突,依靠当时的报告来描述这些冲突是如何分裂教会领袖、教派和会众的。最后,从公民宗教信仰、象征和仪式不可避免地参与政治过程的前提出发,它研究了它们在过去十年中如何越来越多地用于党派目的,提出了关于教会与国家关系的问题。最后,它评论了公民宗教的持久特征,并推测其对美国宗教和政治的持续重要性。
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引用次数: 6
RAC volume 28 issue 1 Cover and Back matter RAC第28卷第1期封面和封底
IF 0.4 3区 哲学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2018-06-18 DOI: 10.1017/s1052115100003834
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引用次数: 0
Contributors 贡献者
IF 0.4 3区 哲学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2018-06-18 DOI: 10.1525/rac.2018.28.1.166
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引用次数: 0
Agreeing to Disagree: American Orthodox Jewish Scientists’ Confrontation with Evolution in the 1960s 求同存异:20世纪60年代美国正统犹太科学家与进化论的对抗
IF 0.4 3区 哲学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2018-06-18 DOI: 10.1525/rac.2018.28.2.206
Rachel S. A. Pear
Abstract While tension between religious commitment and evolution has often been perceived as a Christian American phenomenon, the current article joins a growing body of literature that illustrates how some Jewish Americans have also struggled with Darwinism. This article will focus in on the case of the Association of Orthodox Jewish Scientists (AOJS), and document its members’ engagement with evolution in the 1960s and 70s. Although founded in New York in 1948, the AOJS did not grapple with the issue of evolution in its first decade. When evolution did come to the fore in the 1960s, a time when the Christian American discussion of evolution also escalated, AOJS members expressed a spectrum of views on the matter. Those who strongly critiqued evolution, however, were more prolific in their writing on the subject than those who expressed positive attitudes towards evolution. This article highlights historical and sociological factors within American and Jewish life in the second half of the 20th century that are related to this outburst of antievolutionism on the part of some AOJS members in this period. It further illustrates that the negative view of evolution promoted by some members was not suppressed or censured by the association, despite the fact that it may well have been a minority view within the group. Lastly the article suggests that the American Orthodox scientists adopted the model of agreeing to disagree on the matter of evolution because they placed the value of Orthodox Jewish unity above other scientific and social considerations and goals.
虽然宗教信仰与进化论之间的紧张关系经常被认为是基督教美国人的现象,但这篇文章加入了一个越来越多的文献体系,说明一些犹太裔美国人也在与达尔文主义作斗争。本文将重点关注正统犹太科学家协会(AOJS)的案例,并记录其成员在20世纪60年代和70年代对进化论的参与。尽管于1948年在纽约成立,AOJS在最初的十年里并没有努力解决进化问题。当进化论在20世纪60年代真正出现时,美国基督教对进化论的讨论也在升级,AOJS成员对这个问题表达了一系列的观点。然而,那些强烈批评进化论的人比那些对进化论持积极态度的人在这一主题上写得更多。这篇文章强调了20世纪下半叶美国人和犹太人生活中的历史和社会学因素,这些因素与这一时期一些AOJS成员的反进化论爆发有关。它进一步说明,一些成员所提倡的进化论的消极观点并没有受到协会的压制或谴责,尽管事实上,它很可能是团体内的少数人的观点。最后,文章指出,美国东正教科学家在进化论问题上采取了同意不同意见的模式,因为他们把东正教犹太人的统一价值置于其他科学和社会考虑和目标之上。
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引用次数: 5
RAC volume 28 issue 2 Cover and Front matter RAC第28卷第2期封面和封面问题
IF 0.4 3区 哲学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2018-06-18 DOI: 10.1017/s1052115100004177
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引用次数: 0
期刊
RELIGION AND AMERICAN CULTURE-A JOURNAL OF INTERPRETATION
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