Pub Date : 2019-05-28DOI: 10.1163/9789004291966_010
W. V. Meurs, O. Morozova
Max Weber distinguished three ideal typical forms of authority and legitimacy. In their crudest form these three – charismatic, traditional, and legal-rational leadership – are typically construed as a sequence of progress toward modern liberal democracy.1 More realistically, all individual and institutional authority is grounded in a specific amalgamate of these three types, even in the present era of popular sovereignty, professionalised bureaucracies, and universal suffrage. Having said that, in the twentieth century, authority without a representative claim referring to the people has become next to unthinkable.2 Representative claims may differ widely, from representatives who considered themselves the democratically elected political voice of the legitimate interests of a specific part of the electorate, to righteous advocates of a common good, or to populists as mystic spokesmen of “the people” in singular. Similarly, for some, “politics” as the contest of representative claims should take place exclusively in the confines of the democratic institutions of parliament and government. For others, street politics is an acceptable complementary form of representation or even a superior form of democracy. Recent debates on direct democracy set out to re-introduce the polis ideal of the citizen expressing his interests without recourse to representatives or middlemen.3 The extraordinary case study of this chapter introduces, among others, citizens who take to the streets, rejecting any form of political representation and leadership, be it populist or not. Their claim is not to represent (part of) the people, but to be the people – a matter of presence instead of representation. The case study exemplifies two key issues of democratic contestation. First, the observation that today the principle of democracy in the widest sense (dimokratia – ‘the rule of the common people’), is an integral part of any claim to political authority. Second, the observation that deciding what forms of
{"title":"9 Majdan: Presence and Political Representation in Post-Communist Ukraine","authors":"W. V. Meurs, O. Morozova","doi":"10.1163/9789004291966_010","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/9789004291966_010","url":null,"abstract":"Max Weber distinguished three ideal typical forms of authority and legitimacy. In their crudest form these three – charismatic, traditional, and legal-rational leadership – are typically construed as a sequence of progress toward modern liberal democracy.1 More realistically, all individual and institutional authority is grounded in a specific amalgamate of these three types, even in the present era of popular sovereignty, professionalised bureaucracies, and universal suffrage. Having said that, in the twentieth century, authority without a representative claim referring to the people has become next to unthinkable.2 Representative claims may differ widely, from representatives who considered themselves the democratically elected political voice of the legitimate interests of a specific part of the electorate, to righteous advocates of a common good, or to populists as mystic spokesmen of “the people” in singular. Similarly, for some, “politics” as the contest of representative claims should take place exclusively in the confines of the democratic institutions of parliament and government. For others, street politics is an acceptable complementary form of representation or even a superior form of democracy. Recent debates on direct democracy set out to re-introduce the polis ideal of the citizen expressing his interests without recourse to representatives or middlemen.3 The extraordinary case study of this chapter introduces, among others, citizens who take to the streets, rejecting any form of political representation and leadership, be it populist or not. Their claim is not to represent (part of) the people, but to be the people – a matter of presence instead of representation. The case study exemplifies two key issues of democratic contestation. First, the observation that today the principle of democracy in the widest sense (dimokratia – ‘the rule of the common people’), is an integral part of any claim to political authority. Second, the observation that deciding what forms of","PeriodicalId":432812,"journal":{"name":"New Perspectives on Power and Political Representation from Ancient History to the Present Day","volume":"14 10 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-05-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126120479","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-05-28DOI: 10.1163/9789004291966_002
Harm Kaal, D. Slootjes
{"title":"1 Introduction: Repertoires of Representation","authors":"Harm Kaal, D. Slootjes","doi":"10.1163/9789004291966_002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/9789004291966_002","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":432812,"journal":{"name":"New Perspectives on Power and Political Representation from Ancient History to the Present Day","volume":"5 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-05-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128516747","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-05-28DOI: 10.1163/9789004291966_003
O. Hekster
{"title":"2 Emperors and Councillors: Imperial Representation between Republic and Empire","authors":"O. Hekster","doi":"10.1163/9789004291966_003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/9789004291966_003","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":432812,"journal":{"name":"New Perspectives on Power and Political Representation from Ancient History to the Present Day","volume":"29 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-05-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128242843","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-05-28DOI: 10.1163/9789004291966_009
Harm Kaal, V. Griend
Both inside and outside of academia, a declining trust in politicians and the rise of populism has catalysed a debate about a supposed “crisis of democracy.”1 Political decision-making has increasingly escaped public control, particularly at the level of the European Union. The public sphere spiralled into decline when citizens turned into passive consumers who focused on private instead of public concerns.2 Moreover, with the laws and mechanisms of the mass media dictating political communication, parliamentary democracy has transformed into a mediacracy or drama democracy. Against this background, populist politicians have emerged on the scene, promising to restore the power of the people. One should, however, be careful not to integrate populist notions of crisis and of confrontation between political elites and the people into the historical analysis of political representation. We argue that at the heart of the discourse of crisis is a lack of understanding of the multifaceted ways in which politicians and the people have interacted. In this chapter, which is based on a case study of the Netherlands, we first offer a reconceptualisation of the notion of popular politics by mapping the repertoire of communicative practices through which political representatives and the people they represented have interacted in the postwar years. Second, we zoom in on one of these practices: letters people sent to their representatives. The analysis will be aimed at identifying popular perceptions of political representation that were articulated in these letters. Third, we end by offering a way forward for historical research on the interaction between politicians and the people. The vast scholarship on political representation in parliamentary democracies has been mostly oriented towards the “formal” aspects of political representation treating it as a status that results from particular political procedures and constitutional arrangements with research being dedicated to an investi-
{"title":"8 Postwar Popular Politics: Integrating the Voice of the People in Postwar Political History","authors":"Harm Kaal, V. Griend","doi":"10.1163/9789004291966_009","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/9789004291966_009","url":null,"abstract":"Both inside and outside of academia, a declining trust in politicians and the rise of populism has catalysed a debate about a supposed “crisis of democracy.”1 Political decision-making has increasingly escaped public control, particularly at the level of the European Union. The public sphere spiralled into decline when citizens turned into passive consumers who focused on private instead of public concerns.2 Moreover, with the laws and mechanisms of the mass media dictating political communication, parliamentary democracy has transformed into a mediacracy or drama democracy. Against this background, populist politicians have emerged on the scene, promising to restore the power of the people. One should, however, be careful not to integrate populist notions of crisis and of confrontation between political elites and the people into the historical analysis of political representation. We argue that at the heart of the discourse of crisis is a lack of understanding of the multifaceted ways in which politicians and the people have interacted. In this chapter, which is based on a case study of the Netherlands, we first offer a reconceptualisation of the notion of popular politics by mapping the repertoire of communicative practices through which political representatives and the people they represented have interacted in the postwar years. Second, we zoom in on one of these practices: letters people sent to their representatives. The analysis will be aimed at identifying popular perceptions of political representation that were articulated in these letters. Third, we end by offering a way forward for historical research on the interaction between politicians and the people. The vast scholarship on political representation in parliamentary democracies has been mostly oriented towards the “formal” aspects of political representation treating it as a status that results from particular political procedures and constitutional arrangements with research being dedicated to an investi-","PeriodicalId":432812,"journal":{"name":"New Perspectives on Power and Political Representation from Ancient History to the Present Day","volume":"90 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-05-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131832931","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-05-28DOI: 10.1163/9789004291966_006
P.J.A.N. Rietbergen
{"title":"5 The Political Rhetoric of Capitals: Rome and Versailles in the Baroque Period, or the “Power of Place","authors":"P.J.A.N. Rietbergen","doi":"10.1163/9789004291966_006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/9789004291966_006","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":432812,"journal":{"name":"New Perspectives on Power and Political Representation from Ancient History to the Present Day","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-05-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128940766","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-05-28DOI: 10.1163/9789004291966_007
D. Raeymaekers, S. Derks
In the past four decades, the accessibility of those in power has become an important topic in historiography, particularly at the pre-modern court. Whereas most specialists of late medieval and early modern politics tend to agree that the study of access is the key to understanding power relations in these periods, opinions seem to differ as to exactly how the concept should be approached. For want of a clear definition, access has remained a rather vague category, the importance of which is often assumed rather than thoroughly explained. Similarly, the association between access and power is usually taken for granted, whereas the mechanisms behind it remain obscure. Scholars still struggle to understand how access was used by subjects to represent their claims in premodern centres of power, and the ways in which it was articulated and performed. By taking the full complexity of proximity to the monarch into account, this chapter means to broaden the scope and to explore how the many varieties of access enabled medieval and early modern people to express their voices and concerns.
{"title":"6 Repertoires of Access in Princely Courts, 1400-1750","authors":"D. Raeymaekers, S. Derks","doi":"10.1163/9789004291966_007","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/9789004291966_007","url":null,"abstract":"In the past four decades, the accessibility of those in power has become an important topic in historiography, particularly at the pre-modern court. Whereas most specialists of late medieval and early modern politics tend to agree that the study of access is the key to understanding power relations in these periods, opinions seem to differ as to exactly how the concept should be approached. For want of a clear definition, access has remained a rather vague category, the importance of which is often assumed rather than thoroughly explained. Similarly, the association between access and power is usually taken for granted, whereas the mechanisms behind it remain obscure. Scholars still struggle to understand how access was used by subjects to represent their claims in premodern centres of power, and the ways in which it was articulated and performed. By taking the full complexity of proximity to the monarch into account, this chapter means to broaden the scope and to explore how the many varieties of access enabled medieval and early modern people to express their voices and concerns.","PeriodicalId":432812,"journal":{"name":"New Perspectives on Power and Political Representation from Ancient History to the Present Day","volume":"5 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-05-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126922354","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-05-28DOI: 10.1163/9789004291966_005
B. Roest
{"title":"4 Representative Bodies in Medieval Religious Orders: A Discarded Legacy?","authors":"B. Roest","doi":"10.1163/9789004291966_005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/9789004291966_005","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":432812,"journal":{"name":"New Perspectives on Power and Political Representation from Ancient History to the Present Day","volume":"10 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-05-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123758671","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-05-28DOI: 10.1163/9789004291966_004
M. V. Berkel
{"title":"3 Politics of Access at the Court of the Caliph","authors":"M. V. Berkel","doi":"10.1163/9789004291966_004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/9789004291966_004","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":432812,"journal":{"name":"New Perspectives on Power and Political Representation from Ancient History to the Present Day","volume":"24 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-05-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115490800","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-05-28DOI: 10.1163/9789004291966_008
Marij Leenders, J. Gijsenbergh
{"title":"7 The Image of Prime Minister Colijn: Public Visualisation of Political Leadership in the 1930s","authors":"Marij Leenders, J. Gijsenbergh","doi":"10.1163/9789004291966_008","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/9789004291966_008","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":432812,"journal":{"name":"New Perspectives on Power and Political Representation from Ancient History to the Present Day","volume":"212 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-05-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123356312","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2014-12-12DOI: 10.1163/9789004291966_011
A. V. Veen
Independent regulatory authorities (IRAs) today have considerable competences. They can regulate and supervise the behaviour of market and societal parties, and set prices for goods and services. They can enforce regulations through fines and ‘naming and shaming’. Thirdly, they have quasi-judicial functions. Yet IRAs are independent in their decisions from both the elected political sphere and sectoral interests. This makes the question whom, or what, these authorities represent a salient one. Yet this question is not often discussed in the literature. In the literature on IRAs, three approaches towards the independent bodies can be distinguished, that either stress their ‘inherent’ legitimacy based on the quality of their decisions, emphasize their ‘derived’ democratic legitimacy from elected institutions, or argue their legitimacy derives from their relations with a variety of actors. Commonly, however, IRAs are considered ‘unrepresentative’ because of their unelected status. In this thesis, it is argued that IRAs should nevertheless be considered non-electoral representative claimants. Viewing IRAs as such yields positive and normative benefits, that may be employed in the further study of these agencies, including in the three outlined approaches. To make this argument, four IRAs in the Netherlands – the telecommunications regulator OPTA, energy regulator NMa Energy Chamber, financial supervisor AFM, and healthcare regulator NZa – are studied from the perspective of the theorization of representative claims by Michael Saward (2010). Representation in this framework is considered a rhetorical and discursive process, consisting of claims to act or speak for others and the simultaneous construction of constituencies in these claims. Representative claims may have electoral and non-electoral resources: they can be made by politicians, interest groups, government organizations, ombudsmen and individuals alike. Likewise, representative claims can be received and accepted or rejected by the targeted constituency on the basis of a variety of criteria. Judgments regarding the democratic legitimacy of representative claims should be relayed to this constituency. Employing the representative claim approach, it is argued that the four IRAs in the Netherlands have been claimed by the Dutch law-making body to independently represent economic and non-economic ‘public’ interests in marketized and liberalized domains. Likewise, the four IRAs themselves in their public self-presentation increasingly claim to represent consumer interests in their activities. On the board level, governors are claimed to be independent experts standing for public and consumer interests, although an exploration of the professional backgrounds of board members reveals they often have backgrounds in the bureaucracy or the regulated sector, and never in the consumer movement. Lastly, on the work-floor level, employees of IRAs interact with representatives of sectoral interests in con
{"title":"10 Regulation without Representation? Independent Regulatory Authorities and Representative Claim-Making in the Netherlands, 1997-now","authors":"A. V. Veen","doi":"10.1163/9789004291966_011","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/9789004291966_011","url":null,"abstract":"Independent regulatory authorities (IRAs) today have considerable competences. They can regulate and supervise the behaviour of market and societal parties, and set prices for goods and services. They can enforce regulations through fines and ‘naming and shaming’. Thirdly, they have quasi-judicial functions. Yet IRAs are independent in their decisions from both the elected political sphere and sectoral interests. This makes the question whom, or what, these authorities represent a salient one. Yet this question is not often discussed in the literature. In the literature on IRAs, three approaches towards the independent bodies can be distinguished, that either stress their ‘inherent’ legitimacy based on the quality of their decisions, emphasize their ‘derived’ democratic legitimacy from elected institutions, or argue their legitimacy derives from their relations with a variety of actors. Commonly, however, IRAs are considered ‘unrepresentative’ because of their unelected status. In this thesis, it is argued that IRAs should nevertheless be considered non-electoral representative claimants. Viewing IRAs as such yields positive and normative benefits, that may be employed in the further study of these agencies, including in the three outlined approaches. To make this argument, four IRAs in the Netherlands – the telecommunications regulator OPTA, energy regulator NMa Energy Chamber, financial supervisor AFM, and healthcare regulator NZa – are studied from the perspective of the theorization of representative claims by Michael Saward (2010). Representation in this framework is considered a rhetorical and discursive process, consisting of claims to act or speak for others and the simultaneous construction of constituencies in these claims. Representative claims may have electoral and non-electoral resources: they can be made by politicians, interest groups, government organizations, ombudsmen and individuals alike. Likewise, representative claims can be received and accepted or rejected by the targeted constituency on the basis of a variety of criteria. Judgments regarding the democratic legitimacy of representative claims should be relayed to this constituency. Employing the representative claim approach, it is argued that the four IRAs in the Netherlands have been claimed by the Dutch law-making body to independently represent economic and non-economic ‘public’ interests in marketized and liberalized domains. Likewise, the four IRAs themselves in their public self-presentation increasingly claim to represent consumer interests in their activities. On the board level, governors are claimed to be independent experts standing for public and consumer interests, although an exploration of the professional backgrounds of board members reveals they often have backgrounds in the bureaucracy or the regulated sector, and never in the consumer movement. Lastly, on the work-floor level, employees of IRAs interact with representatives of sectoral interests in con","PeriodicalId":432812,"journal":{"name":"New Perspectives on Power and Political Representation from Ancient History to the Present Day","volume":"680 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-12-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132486520","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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